Abraham Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln | |
---|---|
16th President of the United States | |
In office March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865 | |
Vice President | Hannibal Hamlin (1861–1865) Andrew Johnson (Mar–Apr. 1865) |
Preceded by | James Buchanan |
Succeeded by | Andrew Johnson |
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Illinois's 7th district | |
In office March 4, 1847 – March 3, 1849 | |
Preceded by | John Henry |
Succeeded by | Thomas L. Harris |
Member of the Illinois House of Representatives from Sangamon County | |
In office December 1, 1834 – December 4, 1842 | |
Personal details | |
Born | Sinking Spring Farm, Kentucky, U.S. | February 12, 1809
Died | April 15, 1865 Washington, D.C., U.S. | (aged 56)
Cause of death | Assassination |
Resting place | Lincoln Tomb |
Political party | Whig (Before 1854) Republican (1854–1864) National Union (1864–1865) |
Spouse(s) | Mary Todd (m. 1842) |
Children | Robert Edward Willie Tad |
Relatives | Thomas Lincoln (Father) Nancy Hanks (Mother) |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance | United States • Illinois |
Branch/service | Illinois Militia |
Years of service | 1832 |
Rank | Captain[a] Private[a] |
Battles/wars | Black Hawk War |
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President of the United States
First term
Second term
Assassination and legacy
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Abraham Lincoln (February 12, 1809 – April 15, 1865) was an American lawyer and politician. He served as the 16th president of the United States from 1861 until his assassination in April 1865. Lincoln led the nation through the Civil War, its bloodiest war and its greatest moral, constitutional, and political crisis.[1][2] He preserved the Union, abolished slavery, strengthened the federal government, and modernized the economy.
Born in Kentucky, Lincoln grew up on the frontier in a poor family. Self-educated, he became a lawyer in Illinois. As a Whig Party leader, he served eight years in the state legislature and two in Congress, before resuming his law practice. Angered by the success of Democrats in opening the prairie lands to slavery, he reentered politics in 1854. He became a leader in the new Republican Party. He gained national attention in 1858 for debating national Democratic leader Stephen A. Douglas. He lost that race. He then became the "western" candidate for the 1860 presidential nomination as a moderate from a swing state. He swept the North and was elected in 1860. Southern pro-slavery elements took his win as proof that the North was rejecting the Constitutional rights of Southern states to promote slavery. They began the process of seceding from the union and forming a new country. Nationalism was a powerful force in the North, and it refused to accept secession. To secure its independence, the new Confederate States of America fired on Fort Sumter, one of the few U.S. forts in the South. Lincoln called up volunteers and militia to suppress the rebellion and restore the Union. As the leader of the moderate faction of the Republican Party, Lincoln confronted Radical Republicans, who demanded harsher treatment of the South; War Democrats, who rallied a large faction of former opponents into his camp; anti-war Democrats (called Copperheads), who despised him; and irreconcilable secessionists, who plotted his assassination.
Lincoln fought back by pitting his opponents against each other, by carefully distributed political patronage and by appealing to the American people with his oratory.[3]:65–87 His Gettysburg Address became an iconic endorsement of nationalism, republicanism, equal rights, liberty, and democracy. He suspended habeas corpus, and he averted British intervention by defusing the Trent Affair. Lincoln closely supervised the war effort, including the selection of generals and the naval blockade that shut down the South's trade. As the war progressed, he maneuvered to end slavery, including the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863; ordering the Army to protect escaped slaves, encouraging border states to outlaw slavery, and pushing through Congress the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which permanently outlawed slavery.
An astute politician, Lincoln reached out to the War Democrats and managed his own re-election campaign. Lincoln sought to reconcile his damaged nation by avoiding retribution against the secessionists. A few days after the war's end he was assassinated.
Lincoln is remembered as America's martyr hero. He is consistently ranked both by scholars[4] and the public[5] as among the greatest U.S. presidents.
Contents
- 1 Family and childhood
- 2 Early career and militia service
- 3 U.S. House of Representatives, 1847–49
- 4 Prairie lawyer
- 5 Republican politics 1854–60
- 6 Presidency
- 6.1 1860 election and secession
- 6.2 The Civil War
- 6.3 Greenbacks currency
- 6.4 Union military strategy
- 6.5 General McClellan
- 6.6 Emancipation Proclamation
- 6.7 Gettysburg Address (1863)
- 6.8 General Grant
- 6.9 1864 re-election
- 6.10 Reconstruction
- 6.11 Redefining the republic and republicanism
- 6.12 Other enactments
- 6.13 Judicial appointments
- 6.14 States admitted to the Union
- 7 Assassination and funeral
- 8 Religious and philosophical beliefs
- 9 Health
- 10 Historical reputation
- 11 Memory and memorials
- 12 See also
- 13 references
- 14 External links
Family and childhood
Early life
Abraham Lincoln was born on February 12, 1809, as the second child of Thomas and Nancy Hanks Lincoln, in a one-room log cabin on the Sinking Spring Farm near Hodgenville, Kentucky.[6]:20–22 He was a descendant of Samuel Lincoln, an Englishman who migrated from Hingham, Norfolk, to its namesake Hingham, Massachusetts, in 1638. Samuel's grandson and great-grandson began the family's westward migration, passing through New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.[7]:3,4[6]:20 Lincoln's paternal grandfather and namesake, Captain Abraham Lincoln, moved the family from Virginia to Jefferson County, Kentucky, in the 1780s.[7]:4 Captain Lincoln was killed in an Indian raid in 1786. His children, including eight-year-old Thomas,[8][9]) the future president's father, witnessed the attack.[6]:21[10]:1–2[11]:12–13 After his father's murder, Thomas worked at odd jobs in Kentucky and in Tennessee, before settling with members of his family in Hardin County, Kentucky, in the early 1800s.[7]:5[6]:21
Lincoln's mother, Nancy, is widely assumed to have been the daughter of Lucy Hanks, although no record documents this.[12]:79 Thomas and Nancy were married on June 12, 1806, in Washington County, and moved to Elizabethtown, Kentucky.[7]:9 They produced three children: Sarah, born on February 10, 1807; Abraham, on February 12, 1809; and Thomas, who died in infancy.[7]:9–10
Thomas Lincoln bought or leased farms in Kentucky, including the Sinking Spring farm, where Abraham was born. He was embrolied in legal disputes over land titles, and lost all but 200 acres (81 ha) of his land in court disputes over property titles.[13]:20 In 1816, the family moved north across the Ohio River to Indiana, where the survey process was more reliable and land titles were more secure.[7]:13 Indian was a non-slaveholding territory, where they settled in an "unbroken forest"[7]:26 in Hurricane Township, Perry County. (Their land became part of Spencer County, Indiana, when the county was established in 1818.)[7]:16 and 43[12]:3, 5, 16 In 1860, Lincoln noted that the family's move to Indiana was "partly on account of slavery", but mainly due to land title difficulties.[13]:20[6]:23–24
During the family's years in Kentucky and Indiana, Thomas Lincoln worked as a farmer, cabinetmaker, and carpenter.[12]:34, 156 He owned farms, several town lots and livestock, paid taxes, sat on juries, appraised estates, served on country slave patrols, and guarded prisoners. Thomas and Nancy were members of a Separate Baptists church, which had restrictive moral standards and opposed alcohol, dancing, and slavery.[6]:22–24
Within a year of the family's arrival in Indiana, Thomas claimed title to 160 acres (65 ha) of Indiana land. Overcoming financial challenges, he eventually obtained clear title to 80 acres (32 ha) of land in what became known as the Little Pigeon Creek Community in Spencer County.[12]:24, 104
Significant family events took place in Indiana. On October 5, 1818, Nancy Lincoln died of milk sickness, leaving 11-year-old Sarah in charge of a household that included her father, 9-year-old Abraham, and Dennis Hanks, Nancy's 19-year-old orphaned cousin.[12]:22–23, 77
On December 2, 1819, Lincoln's father married Sarah "Sally" Bush Johnston, a widow from Elizabethtown, Kentucky, with three children of her own.[12]:23, 83 Abraham became close to his stepmother, whom he referred to as "Mother".[6]:26–27[12]:10 Those who knew Lincoln then later recalled that he was distraught over his sister Sarah's death on January 20, 1828, while giving birth to a stillborn son.[6]:20, 30–33[12]:37
Lincoln disliked the hard labor associated with farm life. He was called lazy for all his "reading, scribbling, writing, ciphering, writing Poetry, etc.".[14]:31[11]:25, 31, and 47[6]:33 His stepmother acknowledged he did not enjoy "physical labor", but loved to read.[12]:66
Lincoln was largely self-educated. His formal schooling from itinerant teachers was intermittent, totaling less than 12 months; however, he was an avid reader and retained a lifelong interest in learning.[12]:10, 33[15]:110 Family, neighbors, and schoolmates recalled that he read and reread the King James Bible, Aesop's Fables, John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress, Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, Mason Locke Weems's The Life of Washington, and The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, among others.[6]:29–31, 38–43
The teenaged Lincoln took responsibility for chores. He accepted the customary practice that a son give his father all earnings from work outside the home until age 21.[6]:30-33 Lincoln became adept at using an axe. Tall for his age, Lincoln was strong and athletic.[7]:134–35 He was known for his strength for brawn and audacity after winning a wrestling match with the renowned leader of a group of ruffians known as "the Clary's Grove boys".[6]:41
In early March 1830, partly out of fear of a milk sickness outbreak, several members of the extended Lincoln family moved west to Illinois, a non-slaveholding state, and settled in Macon County, 10 miles (16 km) west of Decatur.[6]:36 Historians disagree on who initiated the move; Thomas Lincoln had no obvious reason to do so. One possibility is that other members of the family, including Dennis Hanks, might not have matched Thomas' stability and steady income.[12]:38–40
After the family relocated to Illinois, Abraham became increasingly distant from Thomas,[12]:71 in part because of his father's lack of education, while occasionally lending him money.[6]:28 and 152 By 1831, as Thomas and other members of the family prepared to move to a new homestead in Coles County, Illinois, Abraham left home.[16]:15-17 Traveling down the Sangamon River, he ended up in the village of New Salem.[17]:23–53 Later that spring New Salem merchant Denton Offutt hired Lincoln and some friends to take goods by flatboat from New Salem to New Orleans. After arriving in New Orleans—and witnessing slavery firsthand—Lincoln returned to New Salem, where he remained for six years.[13]:22–23[6]:38
Marriage and children
According to some sources, Lincoln's first romantic interest was Ann Rutledge, whom he met when he first moved to New Salem; these sources indicate that by 1835, they were in a relationship but not formally engaged.[18] She died on August 25, 1835, most likely of typhoid fever.[6]:55–58 In the early 1830s, he met Mary Owens from Kentucky.[6]:67-69[17]:56–57, 69–70
Late in 1836, Lincoln agreed to a match with Mary if she returned to New Salem. Mary arrived in November 1836, and Lincoln courted her for a time; however, they both had second thoughts. On August 16, 1837, Lincoln wrote Mary a letter suggesting he would not blame her if she ended the relationship. She never replied.[6]:67
In 1840, Lincoln became engaged to Mary Todd, daughter of a wealthy slave-holding family in Lexington, Kentucky.[19]:3 They met in Springfield, Illinois in December 1839[13]:46–48 and were engaged a year later.[6]:86 A wedding set for January 1, 1841, was canceled at Lincoln's initiative.[13]:46-48[6]:87 They reconciled and married on November 4, 1842, in the Springfield mansion of Mary's married sister.[13]:50–51 While anxiously preparing for the nuptials, Lincoln was asked where he was going and replied, "To hell, I suppose."[6]:93 In 1844, the couple bought a house in Springfield near Lincoln's law office. Mary kept house, often with the help of a relative or hired servant.[20]:142
He was an affectionate, though often absent, husband and father of four children. Robert Todd Lincoln was born in 1843 and Edward Baker Lincoln (Eddie) in 1846. Edward died on February 1, 1850, in Springfield, probably of tuberculosis. "Willie" Lincoln was born on December 21, 1850, and died of a fever on February 20, 1862. The Lincolns' fourth son, Thomas "Tad" Lincoln, was born on April 4, 1853, and died of heart failure at the age of 18 on July 16, 1871.[11]:179–181, 476 Robert reached adulthood and produced children. The Lincolns' last descendant, great-grandson Robert Todd Lincoln Beckwith, died in 1985.[21] Lincoln "was remarkably fond of children",[11]:126 and the Lincolns were not considered to be strict with their own.[20]:120
The deaths of their sons had profound effects on both parents. Abraham suffered from "melancholy", a condition later referred to as clinical depression.[22] Later in life, Mary struggled with the stresses of losing her husband and sons, and Robert committed her temporarily to a mental health asylum in 1875.[23]:341
Lincoln's father-in-law and others of the Todd family were either slave owners or slave traders. Lincoln was close to the Todds, and he and his family occasionally visited them.[24]:440–447
Mary cooked for Lincoln often during his presidency. Raised by a wealthy family, her cooking was simple, but satisfied Lincoln's tastes, which included imported oysters.[25]
Early career and militia service
In 1832 Lincoln and partner Denton Offutt bought a general store on credit in New Salem, Illinois.[26] Although the economy was booming, the business struggled and Lincoln eventually sold his share. That March he began his political career with his first campaign for the Illinois General Assembly. He had attained local popularity and could draw crowds as a raconteur, though he lacked an education, powerful friends, and money, which may be why he lost. He advocated navigational improvements on the Sangamon River.[6]:41[27]
Lincoln briefly served as a captain in the Illinois Militia during the Black Hawk War.[28]:86–95 Thereafter Lincoln continued his campaign for the Illinois General Assembly. At 6 feet 4 inches (193 cm),[29]:14 he was tall and "strong enough to intimidate any rival". At his first speech, he observed a supporter in the crowd under attack, Lincoln grabbed the assailant by his "neck and the seat of his trousers" and tossed him.[6]:46 Lincoln finished eighth out of 13 candidates (the top four were elected), though he received 277 of the 300 votes cast in the New Salem precinct.[28]:114–116
Lincoln served as New Salem's postmaster and later as county surveyor, all the while reading voraciously. He then decided to become a lawyer and began teaching himself law by reading Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England and other law books. Of his learning method, Lincoln stated: "I studied with nobody".[6]:53–55 His second campaign in 1834 was successful. He won election to the state legislature; though he ran as a Whig, many Democrats favored him over a more powerful Whig opponent.[11]:59
Admitted to the Illinois bar in 1836,[6]:64 he moved to Springfield, Illinois, and began to practice law under John T. Stuart, Mary Todd's cousin.[11]:71, 79, 108 Lincoln became a successful lawyer with a reputation as a formidable adversary during cross-examinations and closing arguments. He partnered with Stephen T. Logan from 1841 until 1844. Then Lincoln began his practice with William Herndon, whom Lincoln thought "a studious young man".[6]:17
Successful on his second run for office, Lincoln served four successive terms in the Illinois House of Representatives as a Whig from Sangamon County.[30]:283 He supported the construction of the Illinois and Michigan Canal, later serving as a Canal Commissioner.[31] In the 1835–36 legislative session, he voted to expand suffrage beyond white landowners to all white males.[30]:130 He was known for his "free soil" stance of opposing both slavery and abolitionism. He first articulated this in 1837, saying, "[The] Institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy, but the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils."[6]:134 He followed Henry Clay in supporting the American Colonization Society program of advocating abolition and helping freed slaves to settle in Liberia.[32]:17–19, 67
U.S. House of Representatives, 1847–49
From the early 1830s, Lincoln was a steadfast Whig and professed to friends in 1861 to be "an old line Whig, a disciple of Henry Clay".[6]:222 The party, including Lincoln, favored economic modernization in banking, tariffs to fund internal improvements including railroads, and urbanization.[33]:137–153
Lincoln ran for the Whig nomination for Illinois's 7th district of the U.S. House of Representatives in 1843, but was defeated by John J. Hardin. However, Lincoln won support for the principle of rotation, whereby Hardin would retire after only one term. Lincoln hoped that this arrangement would lead to his nomination in 1846.[11]:123-124 Lincoln was indeed elected to the House of Representatives in 1846, where he served one two-year term. He was the only Whig in the Illinois delegation, showing party loyalty by participating in almost all votes and making speeches that echoed the party line.[34]:79 Lincoln, in collaboration with abolitionist Congressman Joshua R. Giddings, wrote a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia with compensation for the owners, enforcement to capture fugitive slaves, and a popular vote on the matter. He abandoned the bill when it failed to garner sufficient Whig supporters.[35]:54[32]:57
Committee assignments
Political views
On foreign and military policy, Lincoln spoke out against the Mexican–American War, which he attributed to President Polk's desire for "military glory—that attractive rainbow, that rises in showers of blood".[37]:181–183 Lincoln supported the Wilmot Proviso, which, if it had been adopted, would have banned slavery in any U.S. territory won from Mexico.[38]:63 [39]
Lincoln emphasized his opposition to Polk by drafting and introducing his Spot Resolutions. The war had begun with a Mexican slaughter of American soldiers in territory disputed by Mexico and the U.S. Polk insisted that Mexican soldiers had "invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our own soil".[34]:79–80[40]:199-202 Lincoln demanded that Polk show Congress the exact spot on which blood had been shed and prove that the spot was on American soil.[40]:199-202[41]:40
Congress neither debated nor enacted the resolution, the national papers ignored it, and it cost Lincoln political support in his district. One Illinois newspaper derisively nicknamed him "spotty Lincoln".[42]:33[40]:202[43] Lincoln later regretted some of his statements, especially his attack on presidential war-making powers.[6]:128
Realizing Clay was unlikely to win the presidency, Lincoln, who had pledged in 1846 to serve only one term in the House, supported General Zachary Taylor for the Whig nomination in the 1848 presidential election.[6]:124–126 Taylor won and Lincoln hoped to be appointed Commissioner of the General Land Office, but that lucrative patronage job went to an Illinois rival, Justin Butterfield, considered by the administration to be a highly skilled lawyer, but in Lincoln's view, an "old fossil".[6]:140 The administration offered him the consolation prize of secretary or governor of the Oregon Territory.[44] This distant territory was a Democratic stronghold, and acceptance of the post would have effectively ended his legal and political career in Illinois, so he declined and resumed his law practice.[35]:55–57
Prairie lawyer
Lincoln practiced law in Springfield, handling "every kind of business that could come before a prairie lawyer".[6]:96 Twice a year for 16 years, 10 weeks at a time, he appeared in county seats in the midstate region when the county courts were in session.[6]:105–106, 158 Lincoln handled transportation cases in the midst of the nation's western expansion, particularly river barge conflicts under the many new railroad bridges. As a riverboat man, Lincoln initially favored those interests, but ultimately represented whoever hired him.[6]:142–143 He later represented a bridge company against a riverboat company in a landmark case involving a canal boat that sank after hitting a bridge.[45][46] In 1849, he received a patent for a flotation device for the movement of boats in shallow water. The idea was never commercialized, but Lincoln is the only president to hold a patent.[11]:163[47]
In 1851, he represented the Alton & Sangamon Railroad in a dispute with shareholder James A. Barret, who had refused to pay the balance on his pledge to buy shares on the grounds that the company had changed its original train route.[6]:155[48]:92 Lincoln successfully argued that the railroad company was not bound by its original charter; the charter was amended in the public interest to provide a newer, superior, and less expensive route, and the corporation retained the right to demand Barret's payment. The decision by the Illinois Supreme Court was cited by many other courts.[6]:155 Lincoln appeared before the Illinois Supreme Court in 175 cases, in 51 as sole counsel, of which 31 were decided in his favor.[49]:440 From 1853 to 1860, another of Lincoln's largest clients was the Illinois Central Railroad.[6]:155–156, 196–197 Lincoln's legal reputation gave rise to his nickname "Honest Abe".[50]
Lincoln's most notable criminal trial occurred in 1858 when he defended William "Duff" Armstrong, who was on trial for the murder of James Preston Metzker.[6]:150-151 The case is famous for Lincoln's use of a fact established by judicial notice in order to challenge the credibility of an eyewitness. After an opposing witness testified to seeing the crime in the moonlight, Lincoln produced a Farmers' Almanac showing the moon was at a low angle, drastically reducing visibility. Armstrong was acquitted.[6]:150-151
Lincoln rarely raised objections; but in an 1859 case, where he defended a cousin, Peachy Harrison, who was accused of killing a man, Lincoln angrily protested the judge's decision to exclude evidence favorable to his client. Instead of holding Lincoln in contempt of court as was expected, the judge, a Democrat, reversed his ruling, allowing the evidence and acquitting Harrison.[6]:150-151[51]:270
Republican politics 1854–60
Emergence as Republican leader
The debate over the status of slavery in the territories exacerbated sectional tensions between the slave-holding South and the free North. The Compromise of 1850 failed to defuse the issue.[11]:175–176 In the early 1850s, Lincoln supported sectional mediation, and his 1852 eulogy for Clay focused on the latter's support for gradual emancipation and opposition to "both extremes" on the slavery issue.[11]:182–185 As the 1850s progressed, the debate over slavery in the Nebraska Territory and Kansas Territory became particularly acrimonious, and Senator Douglas proposed popular sovereignty as a compromise measure; the proposal would allow the electorate of each territory to decide the status of slavery. The proposal alarmed many Northerners, who hoped to prevent the spread of slavery into the territories. Despite this Northern opposition, Douglas's Kansas–Nebraska Act narrowly passed Congress in May 1854.[11]:188–190
For months after its passage, Lincoln did not publicly comment, but he came to strongly oppose it.[11]:196–197 On October 16, 1854, in his "Peoria Speech", Lincoln declared his opposition to slavery, which he repeated en route to the presidency.[17]:148–152 Speaking in his Kentucky accent, with a powerful voice,[11]:199 he said the Kansas Act had a "declared indifference, but as I must think, a covert real zeal for the spread of slavery. I cannot but hate it. I hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world ..."[40]:255 Lincoln's attacks on the Kansas–Nebraska Act marked his return to political life.[11]:203-205
Nationally, the Whigs were irreparably split by the Kansas–Nebraska Act and other efforts to compromise on the slavery issue. Reflecting the demise of his party, Lincoln wrote in 1855, "I think I am a Whig, but others say there are no Whigs, and that I am an abolitionist [...] I do no more than oppose the extension of slavery."[11]:215–216 Drawing on the antislavery portion of the Whig Party, and combining Free Soil, Liberty, and antislavery Democratic Party members, the new Republican Party formed as a northern party dedicated to antislavery.[42]:38–39 Lincoln resisted early recruiting attempts, fearing that it would serve as a platform for extreme abolitionists.[11]:203–204 Lincoln hoped to rejuvenate the Whigs, though he lamented his party's growing closeness with the nativist Know Nothing movement.[11]:191–194
In the 1854 elections, Lincoln was elected to the Illinois legislature but declined to take his seat.[11]:203-205 In the elections' aftermath, which showed the power and popularity of the movement opposed to the Kansas–Nebraska Act, Lincoln instead sought election to the United States Senate.[11]:204–205 At that time, senators were elected by the state legislature.[34]:119 After leading in the first six rounds of voting, he was unable to obtain a majority. Lincoln instructed his backers to vote for Lyman Trumbull. Trumbull was an antislavery Democrat, and had received few votes in the earlier ballots; his supporters, also antislavery Democrats, had vowed not to support any Whig. Lincoln's decision to withdraw enabled his Whig supporters and Trumbull's antislavery Democrats to combine and defeat the mainstream Democratic candidate, Joel Aldrich Matteson.[11]:205–208
1856 campaign
In part due to the ongoing violent political confrontations in Kansas, opposition to the Kansas–Nebraska Act remained strong throughout the North. As the 1856 elections approached, Lincoln joined the Republicans. He attended the May 1856 Bloomington Convention, which formally established the Illinois Republican Party. The convention platform asserted that Congress had the right to regulate slavery in the territories and called for the immediate admission of Kansas as a free state. Lincoln gave the final speech of the convention, in which he endorsed the party platform and called for the preservation of the Union.[11]:216–221 At the June 1856 Republican National Convention, Lincoln received significant support to run for vice president, though the party nominated William Dayton to run with John C. Frémont. Lincoln supported the Republican ticket, campaigning throughout Illinois. The Democrats nominated former Ambassador James Buchanan, who had been out of the country since 1853 and thus had avoided the slavery debate, while the Know Nothings nominated former Whig President Millard Fillmore.[11]:224–228 Buchanan defeated both his challengers. Republican William Henry Bissell won election as Governor of Illinois. Lincoln's vigorous campaigning had made him the leading Republican in Illinois.[11]:229–230
Principles
Eric Foner (2010) contrasts the abolitionists and anti-slavery Radical Republicans of the Northeast who saw slavery as a sin, with the conservative Republicans who thought it was bad because it hurt white people and blocked progress. Foner argues that Lincoln was a moderate in the middle, opposing slavery primarily because it violated the republicanism principles of the Founding Fathers, especially the equality of all men and democratic self-government as expressed in the Declaration of Independence.[32]:84–88
Dred Scott
In March 1857, in Dred Scott v. Sandford, Supreme Court Chief Justice Roger B. Taney wrote that blacks were not citizens and derived no rights from the Constitution. While many Democrats hoped that Dred Scott would end the dispute over slavery in the territories, the decision sparked further outrage in the North.[11]:236–238 Lincoln denounced it, alleging it was the product of a conspiracy of Democrats to support the Slave Power.[52]:69–110 Lincoln argued, "The authors of the Declaration of Independence never intended 'to say all were equal in color, size, intellect, moral developments, or social capacity', but they 'did consider all men created equal—equal in certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness'."[53]:299–300
Lincoln–Douglas debates and Cooper Union speech
Douglas was up for re-election in 1858, and Lincoln hoped to defeat him. With the former Democrat Trumbull now serving as a Republican Senator, many in the party felt that a former Whig should be nominated in 1858, and Lincoln's 1856 campaigning and willingness to support Trumbull in 1854 had earned him favor.[11]:247-248 Some eastern Republicans favored Douglas' reelection in 1858, since he had led the opposition to the Lecompton Constitution, which would have admitted Kansas as a slave state.[34]:138–139 Many Illinois Republicans resented this eastern interference. For the first time, Illinois Republicans held a convention to agree upon a Senate candidate, and Lincoln won the nomination with little opposition.[11]:247–250
Accepting the nomination, Lincoln delivered his House Divided Speech, drawing on Mark 3:25, "A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other."[11]:251 The speech created an evocative image of the danger of disunion.[35]:98 The stage was then set for the campaign for statewide election of the Illinois legislature which would, in turn, select Lincoln or Douglas.[6]:209 When informed of Lincoln's nomination, Douglas stated, "[Lincoln] is the strong man of the party ... and if I beat him, my victory will be hardly won."[11]:257–258
The Senate campaign featured seven debates, the most famous political debates in American history.[54]:182 The principals stood in stark contrast both physically and politically. Lincoln warned that "The Slave Power" was threatening the values of republicanism, and accused Douglas of distorting the values of the Founding Fathers that all men are created equal, while Douglas emphasized his Freeport Doctrine, that local settlers were free to choose whether to allow slavery, and accused Lincoln of having joined the abolitionists.[6]:214–224 The debates had an atmosphere of a prize fight and drew crowds in the thousands. Lincoln's argument was rooted in morality. He claimed that Douglas represented a conspiracy to extend slavery to free states. Douglas's argument was legal, claiming that Lincoln was defying the authority of the U.S. Supreme Court and the Dred Scott decision.[6]:223
Though the Republican legislative candidates won more popular votes, the Democrats won more seats, and the legislature re-elected Douglas. Lincoln's articulation of the issues gave him a national political presence.[55]:89–90 In May 1859, Lincoln purchased the Illinois Staats-Anzeiger, a German-language newspaper that was consistently supportive; most of the state's 130,000 German Americans voted Democratic but the German-language paper mobilized Republican support.[6]:242, 412 In the aftermath of the 1858 election, newspapers frequently mentioned Lincoln as a potential Republican presidential candidate, rivaled by William H. Seward, Salmon P. Chase, Edward Bates, and Simon Cameron. While Lincoln was popular in the Midwest, he lacked support in the Northeast, and was unsure whether to seek the office.[11]:291–293 In January 1860, Lincoln told a group of political allies that he would accept the nomination if offered, and in the following months several local papers endorsed his candidacy.[11]:307–308
On February 27, 1860, New York party leaders invited Lincoln to give a speech at Cooper Union to a group of powerful Republicans. Lincoln argued that the Founding Fathers had little use for popular sovereignty and had repeatedly sought to restrict slavery. Lincoln insisted that morality required opposition to slavery, and rejected any "groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong".[53]:473 Despite his inelegant appearance—many in the audience thought him awkward and even ugly[38]:108–111—Lincoln demonstrated intellectual leadership that brought him into contention. Journalist Noah Brooks reported, "No man ever before made such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience."[55]:97[38]:157
Historian David Herbert Donald described the speech as a "superb political move for an unannounced candidate, to appear in one rival's (Seward) own state at an event sponsored by the second rival's (Chase) loyalists, while not mentioning either by name during its delivery".[6]:240 In response to an inquiry about his ambitions, Lincoln said, "The taste is in my mouth a little."[6]:241
1860 Presidential nomination and campaign
On May 9–10, 1860, the Illinois Republican State Convention was held in Decatur.[6]:244 Lincoln's followers organized a campaign team led by David Davis, Norman Judd, Leonard Swett, and Jesse DuBois, and Lincoln received his first endorsement.[34]:175–176 Exploiting his embellished frontier legend (clearing land and splitting fence rails), Lincoln's supporters adopted the label of "The Rail Candidate".[6]:245 In 1860 Lincoln described himself: "I am in height, six feet, four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing, on an average, one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse black hair, and gray eyes."[56]
On May 18, at the Republican National Convention in Chicago, Lincoln won the nomination on the third ballot, beating candidates such as Seward and Chase. A former Democrat, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, was nominated for Vice President to balance the ticket. Lincoln's success depended on his campaign team, his reputation as a moderate on the slavery issue, and his strong support for Whiggish programs of internal improvements and the tariff.[57]:609–629
Pennsylvania put him over the top, led by Pennsylvania iron interests who were reassured by his tariff support.[58]:50–55 Lincoln's managers had focused on this delegation, while following Lincoln's dictate to "Make no contracts that bind me".[6]:247–250
Most Republicans agreed with Lincoln that the North was the aggrieved party, as the Slave Power tightened its grasp on the national government. Throughout the 1850s, Lincoln doubted the prospects of civil war, and his supporters rejected claims that his election would incite secession.[33]:10, 13, 18 Douglas was selected as the candidate of the Northern Democrats. Delegates from eleven slave states walked out of the Democratic convention, disagreeing with Douglas' position on popular sovereignty, and ultimately selected incumbent Vice President John C. Breckinridge as their candidate.[6]:253 A group of former Whigs and Know Nothings formed the Constitutional Union Party and nominated John Bell of Tennessee. Lincoln and Douglas competed for votes in the North, while Bell and Breckinridge primarily found support in the South.[11]:247-248
Lincoln's campaign team carefully projected his image as an ideal candidate. Michael Martinez wrote:
Lincoln and his political advisers manipulated his image and background....Sometimes hne appeared as a straight-shooting, plain-talking, common-sense-wielding man of the people. His image as the "Rail Splitter" dates from this era. His supporters also portrayed him as "Honest Abe," the country fellow who was simply dressed and not especially polished or formal in his manner but who was as honest and trustworthy as his legs were long. Even Lincoln's tall, gangly frame was used to good advantage during the campaign as many drawings and posters show the candidates sprinting past his vertically challenged rivals. At other times, Lincoln appeared as a sophisticated, thoughtful, articulate, "presidential" candidate.[59]
Prior to the Republican convention, the Lincoln campaign began cultivating a nationwide youth organization, the Wide Awakes, which it used to generate popular support throughout the country to spearhead voter registration drives, thinking that new voters and young voters tended to embrace new parties.[60] Lincoln's ideas of abolishing slavery grew, drawing more supporters. People of the Northern states knew the Southern states would vote against Lincoln and rallied supporters for Lincoln.[61]
As Douglas and the other candidates campaigned, Lincoln was the only one to give no speeches. Instead, he relied on the enthusiasm of the Republican Party. The party did the leg work that produced majorities across the North, and produced an abundance of campaign posters, leaflets, and newspaper editorials. Thousands of Republican speakers focused first on the party platform, and second on Lincoln's life story, emphasizing his childhood poverty. The goal was to demonstrate the superior power of "free labor", whereby a common farm boy could work his way to the top by his own efforts.[6]:254–256 The Republican Party's production of campaign literature dwarfed the combined opposition; a Chicago Tribune writer produced a pamphlet that detailed Lincoln's life, and sold 100,000-200,000 copies.[6]:254
Presidency
1860 election and secession
On November 6, 1860, Lincoln was elected the 16th president of the United States. He was the first Republican president. His victory was entirely due to his support in the North and West; no ballots were cast for him in 10 of the 15 Southern slave states, and he won only two of 996 counties in all the Southern states.[62]:61
Lincoln received 1,866,452 votes, Douglas 1,376,957 votes, Breckinridge 849,781 votes, and Bell 588,789 votes. Turnout was 82.2 percent. Lincoln won the free Northern states, as well as California and Oregon. Douglas won Missouri, and split New Jersey with Lincoln.[35]:243 Bell won Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, and Breckinridge won the rest of the South.[11]:350
Although Lincoln won only a plurality of the popular vote, his victory in the electoral college was decisive: Lincoln had 180 and his opponents added together had only 123. Fusion tickets combined all of Lincoln's opponents to support the same slate of Electors in New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island. Even had the anti-Lincoln vote been combined in every state, Lincoln would have won a majority in the Electoral College.[63]:4:312
Secessionists indicated their intent to leave the Union before he took office in March.[64]:350 On December 20, 1860, South Carolina took the lead by adopting an ordinance of secession; by February 1, 1861, Florida, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas had followed.[6]:267[65]:498 Six of these states declared themselves to be a sovereign nation, the Confederate States of America and adopted a constitution.[6]:267 The upper South and border states (Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Arkansas) listened to, but initially rejected, the secessionist appeal.[11]:362 President Buchanan and President-elect Lincoln refused to recognize the Confederacy, declaring secession illegal.[65]:520, 569–570 The Confederacy selected Jefferson Davis as its provisional President on February 9, 1861.[11]:369
Attempts at compromise followed. The Crittenden Compromise would have extended the Missouri Compromise line of 1820, dividing the territories into slave and free, contrary to the Republican Party's free-soil platform.[11]:360-361 Lincoln rejected the idea, saying, "I will suffer death before I consent ... to any concession or compromise which looks like buying the privilege to take possession of this government to which we have a constitutional right."[6]:268
Lincoln did tacitly support the proposed Corwin Amendment to the Constitution, which passed Congress before Lincoln came into office and was then awaiting ratification by the states. That proposed amendment would have protected slavery in states where it already existed and would have guaranteed that Congress would not interfere with slavery without Southern consent.[66]:22[67]:280–281 A few weeks before the war, Lincoln sent a letter to every governor informing them Congress had passed a joint resolution to amend the Constitution.[68] Lincoln was open to the possibility of a constitutional convention to make further amendments to the Constitution.[67]:281
En route to his inauguration, Lincoln addressed crowds and legislatures across the North.[6]:273–277 The president-elect evaded possible assassins in Baltimore. On February 23, 1861, he arrived in disguise in Washington, D.C., which was placed under substantial military guard.[6]:277–279 Lincoln directed his inaugural address to the South, proclaiming once again that he had no intention, or inclination, to abolish slavery in the Southern states:
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been opnen to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so."
The President ended his address with an appeal to the people of the South: "We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies ... The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."[6]:283–284 The failure of the Peace Conference of 1861 signaled that legislative compromise was impossible. By March 1861, no leaders of the insurrection had proposed rejoining the Union on any terms. Meanwhile, Lincoln and the Republican leadership agreed that the dismantling of the Union could not be tolerated.[6]:268, 279 Lincoln said as the war was ending:[69]
Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the Nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.
The Civil War
Fort Sumter's commander, Major Robert Anderson, sent a request for provisions to Washington, and the execution of Lincoln's order to meet that request was seen by the secessionists as an act of war. On April 12, 1861, Confederate forces fired on Union troops at Fort Sumter and began the fight. Historian Allan Nevins argued that the newly inaugurated Lincoln made three miscalculations: underestimating the gravity of the crisis, exaggerating the strength of Unionist sentiment in the South, and not realizing the Southern Unionists were insisting there be no invasion.[70]:5:29
William Tecumseh Sherman talked to Lincoln during inauguration week and was "sadly disappointed" at his failure to realize that "the country was sleeping on a volcano" and that the South was preparing for war.[71]:185–186 Donald concludes that, "His repeated efforts to avoid collision in the months between inauguration and the firing on Ft. Sumter showed he adhered to his vow not to be the first to shed fraternal blood. But he also vowed not to surrender the forts. The only resolution of these contradictory positions was for the confederates to fire the first shot; they did just that."[6]:293
On April 15, Lincoln called on the states to send detachments totaling 75,000 troops to recapture forts, protect Washington, and "preserve the Union", which, in his view, remained intact despite the seceding states. This call forced states to choose sides. Virginia seceded and was rewarded with the Confederate capital, despite the exposed position of Richmond close to Union lines. North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas followed over the following two months. Secession sentiment was strong in Missouri and Maryland, but did not prevail; Kentucky remained neutral.[16]:226 The Fort Sumter attack rallied Americans north of the Mason-Dixon line to defend the nation. Historian Allan Nevins says::74–75[72]
The thunderclap of Sumter produced a startling crystallization of Northern sentiment ... Anger swept the land. From every side came news of mass meetings, speeches, resolutions, tenders of business support, the muster of companies and regiments, the determined action of governors and legislatures.
States sent Union regiments south. On April 19, mobs in Baltimore, which controlled rail links, attacked Union troops who were changing trains. Local leaders' groups later burned critical rail bridges to the capital. The Army responded by arresting local Maryland officials. Lincoln suspended the writ of habeas corpus in areas the army felt it needed to secure for troops to reach Washington.[73]:174 John Merryman, a Maryland official involved in hindering the U.S. troop movements, petitioned Supreme Court Chief Justice and Marylander, Roger B. Taney, author of the Dred Scott opinion, to issue a writ of habeas corpus. In June Taney, acting as a circuit judge and not speaking for the Supreme Court, issued the writ, because in his opinion only Congress could suspend the writ. Lincoln continued the army policy that the writ was suspended in limited areas despite the ex parte Merryman ruling.[74][75]:3–31
Greenbacks currency
Before the Civil War, the only money issued by the United States was gold and silver coins, and only such coins ("specie") were legal tender. Paper currency in the form of banknotes was issued by banks. In July, the US government changed that policy, and began directly issuing paper currency, known as greenbacks. Unlike private and state banknotes, they were printed on both sides (in green on the back) and came in two forms:
In July 1861 Congress authorized $50,000,000 in Demand Notes. They bore no interest, but could be redeemed for specie "on demand". They were not legal tender (before March 1862), but like Treasury Notes could be used to pay customs duties. Initially they were discounted relative to gold. Because they were fully redeemable in gold, they were soon at par. In December 1861, the government had to suspend redemption, and their value declined. Chase then authorized paying interest on Demand Notes, which sustained their value. Importers continued to use Demand Notes in place of gold. In March 1862, Demand Notes were made legal tender. As Demand Notes were used to pay duties, they were taken out of circulation and not reissued. By mid-1863, only 5% of them remained in circulation.
The other form of greenbacks were United States Notes, issued from 1862–1865. They were legal tender by law, but were backed only by the credibility of the U.S. government.[76]:1 They could not be used to pay customs duties or interest on the public debt.
Union military strategy
After the Battle of Fort Sumter, Lincoln took executive control of the war and formed an overall Union military strategy. Lincoln responded to this unprecedented political and military crisis as commander-in-chief, using unprecedented powers. He expanded his war powers, imposed a blockade on Confederate ports, disbursed funds before appropriation by Congress, suspended habeas corpus, and arrested and imprisoned thousands of suspected Confederate sympathizers. Lincoln was supported by Congress and the northern public for these actions. In addition, Lincoln had to reinforce Union sympathies in the border slave states and keep the war from becoming an international conflict.[6]:303–304[55]:163–164
The war effort was the source of continued disparagement of Lincoln, and dominated his time and attention. From the start, it was clear that bipartisan support would be essential to success, and that any compromise would alienate factions on both sides of the aisle, such as the appointment of Republicans and Democrats to command positions. Copperheads criticized Lincoln for refusing to compromise on slavery. The Radical Republicans criticized him for moving too slowly in abolishing slavery.[6]:315, 331–333, 338–339, 417 On August 6, 1861, Lincoln signed the Confiscation Act that authorized judicial proceedings to confiscate and free slaves who were used to support the Confederates. In practice, the law had little effect, but it did signal political support for abolishing slavery.[6]:314[55]:178
In late August 1861, General John C. Frémont, the 1856 Republican presidential nominee, without consulting his superiors in Washington, proclaimed martial law in Missouri. He declared that any citizen found bearing arms could be court-martialed and shot, and that slaves of persons aiding the rebellion would be freed. Frémont already faced charges of negligence in his command of the Department of the West and allegations of fraud and corruption. Lincoln overruled Frémont's proclamation. Lincoln found that Fremont's emancipation was political, lacking military necessity and a legal basis.[6]:314–317 After Lincoln acted, Union enlistments from Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri increased by over 40,000.[55]:181
In foreign policy, Lincoln's main goal was to stop military aid to the Confederacy.[77]:213–214 Lincoln left most diplomatic matters to his Secretary of State, William Seward.[77]:213–214 At times Seward was too bellicose, so for balance Lincoln maintained a close working relationship with Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Charles Sumner.[6]:322 The Trent Affair of late 1861 threatened war with Great Britain. The U.S. Navy had illegally intercepted a British mail ship, the Trent, on the high seas and seized two Confederate envoys; Britain protested vehemently while the U.S. cheered. Lincoln ended the crisis by releasing the two diplomats. Biographer James G. Randall dissected Lincoln's successful techniques:[78]
his restraint, his avoidance of any outward expression of truculence, his early softening of State Department's attitude toward Britain, his deference toward Seward and Sumner, his withholding of his own paper prepared for the occasion, his readiness to arbitrate, his golden silence in addressing Congress, his shrewdness in recognizing that war must be averted, and his clear perception that a point could be clinched for America's true position at the same time that full satisfaction was given to a friendly country.
Lincoln painstakingly monitored the telegraph reports coming into War Department. He tracked all phases of the effort, consulted with governors, and selected generals based on their success (as well as their state and party). In January 1862, after many complaints of inefficiency and profiteering in the War Department, Lincoln replaced Simon Cameron with Edwin Stanton as War Secretary. Stanton centralized the War Department's activities, auditing and cancelling contracts, saving the federal government $17,000,000.[34]:115 Stanton was a staunchly Unionist, pro-business, conservative Democrat who moved toward the Radical Republican faction. Nevertheless, he worked more often and more closely with Lincoln than any other senior official. "Stanton and Lincoln virtually conducted the war together," say Thomas and Hyman.[79]
In terms of war strategy, Lincoln articulated two priorities: to ensure that Washington was well-defended, and to conduct an aggressive war effort leading to prompt, decisive victory; major Northern newspaper editors expected victory within 90 days.[6]:295–296 Twice a week, Lincoln met with his cabinet in the afternoon. Occasionally Mary would force him to take a carriage ride, concerned that he was working too hard.[6]:391–392 Lincoln learned from reading his chief of staff General Henry Halleck's book, a disciple of the European strategist Jomini; he began to appreciate the critical need to control strategic points, such as the Mississippi River.[80]:7, 66, 159 Lincoln saw the importance of Vicksburg and understood the necessity of defeating the enemy's army, rather than simply capturing territory.[6]:432–436
General McClellan
After the Union rout at Bull Run, the war's first major battle, and the retirement of Winfield Scott, Lincoln appointed Major General George B. McClellan general-in-chief.[6]:318–319 McClellan took several months to plan his Peninsula Campaign with the goal of capturing Richmond by moving the Army of the Potomac by boat to the peninsula and then march north to Richmond. McClellan's repeated delays frustrated Lincoln, as did his position that no troops were needed to defend Washington. Lincoln insisted otherwise; McClellan, who consistently overestimated the strength of Confederate troops, blamed Lincoln's holding troops back for the failure of his campaign.[6]:349–352
Lincoln removed McClellan in March 1862, after McClellan's "Harrison's Landing Letter", in which he offered unsolicited political advice to Lincoln.[6]:360–361 The office remained empty until July, when Henry Halleck was elevated.[81] McClellan's letter incensed Radical Republicans, who successfully pressured Lincoln to appoint Republican John Pope as head of the new Army of Virginia. Pope complied with Lincoln's strategic desire to move toward Richmond from the north, thus protecting Washington from a counterattack.[63]:2:159–162
However, Pope was soundly defeated at the Second Battle of Bull Run in the summer of 1862, forcing the Army of the Potomac to again defend Washington.[82]:2:159–162 The war expanded with naval operations in 1862 when the CSS Virginia, formerly the USS Merrimack, damaged or destroyed three Union vessels in Norfolk, Virginia, before it was engaged and damaged by the USS Monitor. Lincoln reviewed the dispatches and interrogated naval officers during their clash in the Battle of Hampton Roads.[6]:339–340
Despite his dissatisfaction with McClellan's failure to reinforce Pope, Lincoln was desperate, and restored him to command of all forces around Washington, to the dismay of all in his cabinet but Seward.[83]:478–479 Two days after McClellan's return to command, General Robert E. Lee's forces crossed the Potomac River into Maryland, leading to the Battle of Antietam in September 1862.[83]:478–480 The ensuing Union victory was among the bloodiest in American history, but it enabled Lincoln to announce that he would issue an Emancipation Proclamation in January. Having earlier composed the Proclamation, Lincoln waited for a military victory to publish so that it would not be perceived as the product of desperation.[83]:481
McClellan then resisted the President's demand that he pursue Lee's retreating and exposed army, while his counterpart General Don Carlos Buell likewise refused orders to move the Army of the Ohio against rebel forces in eastern Tennessee. As a result, Lincoln replaced Buell with William Rosecrans; and, after the 1862 midterm elections, he replaced McClellan with Republican Ambrose Burnside. Both were political moderates and prospectively more supportive of the Commander-in-Chief.[6]:389–390
Burnside, against the president's advice, prematurely launched an offensive across the Rappahannock River and was defeated by Lee at Fredericksburg in December. Burnside's defeat was compounded by the fact that his soldiers were disgruntled and undisciplined. Desertions during 1863 came in the thousands and increased after Fredericksburg.[6]:429–431 Lincoln brought in Joseph Hooker, despite his record of loose talk about the need for a military dictatorship.[63]:6:433–44
The mid-term elections in 1862 cost the Republicans severe losses due to the administration's failure to end the war, as well as rising inflation, new high taxes, rumors of corruption, suspension of habeas corpus, military draft law, and fears that freed slaves would undermine the labor market. The Emancipation Proclamation gained votes for the Republicans in rural areas of New England and the upper Midwest, but cost votes in the cities and the lower Midwest.[63]:6:322
While Republicans were discouraged, Democrats were energized and did especially well in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and New York. The Republicans maintained their majorities in Congress and in the major states, except New York. The Cincinnati Gazette contended that voters were "depressed by the interminable nature of this war, as so far conducted, and by the rapid exhaustion of the national resources without progress".[63]:6:318-322
In the spring of 1863, Lincoln was optimistic about upcoming military campaigns to the point of thinking the end of the war could be near if a string of victories could be put together; these plans included attacks by Hooker on Lee north of Richmond, Rosecrans on Chattanooga, Grant on Vicksburg, and a naval assault on Charleston.[6]:422–423
Hooker was routed by Lee at the Battle of Chancellorsville in May,[63]:6:432–450 but continued to command his troops for some weeks. He ignored Lincoln's order to divide his troops, and possibly force Lee to do the same at Harper's Ferry, and tendered his resignation, which Lincoln accepted. He was replaced by George Meade, who followed Lee into Pennsylvania for the Gettysburg Campaign, which was a victory for the Union, though Lee's army avoided capture. At the same time, after initial setbacks, Grant laid siege to Vicksburg and the Union navy found some success in Charleston harbor.[6]:444–447 After Gettysburg, Lincoln understood that his military decisions would be more effectively carried out by conveying his orders through his War Secretary or his general-in-chief to his generals, who resented his civilian interference with their plans. Even so, he often gave them detailed directions.[6]:446
Emancipation Proclamation
Lincoln understood that the Federal government's power to end slavery was limited by the Constitution, which before 1865, committed the issue to individual states. He argued before and during his election that the eventual extinction of slavery would result from preventing its expansion into new U.S. territory. At the beginning of the war, he also sought to persuade the states to accept compensated emancipation in return for their prohibition of slavery. Lincoln believed that curtailing slavery in these ways would economically expunge it, as envisioned by the Founding Fathers, under the constitution.[84] President Lincoln rejected two geographically limited emancipation attempts by Major General John C. Frémont in August 1861 and by Major General David Hunter in May 1862, on the grounds that it was not within their power, and it would upset the border states loyal to the Union.[85]:290–291
On June 19, 1862, endorsed by Lincoln, Congress passed an act banning slavery on all federal territory. In July, the Confiscation Act of 1862 was passed, which set up court procedures that could free the slaves of anyone convicted of aiding the rebellion. Although Lincoln believed it was not within Congress's power to free the slaves within the states, he approved the bill in deference to the legislature. He felt such action could only be taken by the Commander-in-Chief using war powers granted to the president by the Constitution, and Lincoln was planning to take that action. In that month, Lincoln discussed a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation with his cabinet. In it, he stated that "as a fit and necessary military measure, on January 1, 1863, all persons held as slaves in the Confederate states will thenceforward, and forever, be free".[6]:364–365
Privately, Lincoln concluded at this point that the slave base of the Confederacy had to be eliminated. However, Copperheads argued that emancipation was a stumbling block to peace and reunification. Republican editor Horace Greeley of the highly influential New York Tribune fell for the ploy,[86]:124 and Lincoln refuted it directly in a shrewd letter of August 22, 1862. Although he said he personally wished all men could be free, Lincoln stated that the primary goal of his actions as the U.S. president (he used the first person pronoun and explicitly refers to his "official duty") was that of preserving the Union:[87]:147–153
{{quote|My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union ... [¶] I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free.[40]:388
The Emancipation Proclamation, issued on September 22, 1862, and put into effect on January 1, 1863, declared free the slaves in 10 states not then under Union control, with exemptions specified for areas already under Union control in two states.[6]:364, 379 Lincoln spent the next 100 days preparing the army and the nation for emancipation, while Democrats rallied their voters in the 1862 off-year elections by warning of the threat freed slaves posed to northern whites.[88]
Once the abolition of slavery in the rebel states became a military objective, as Union armies advanced south, more slaves were liberated until all three million of them in Confederate territory were freed. Lincoln's comment on the signing of the Proclamation was: "I never, in my life, felt more certain that I was doing right, than I do in signing this paper."[6]:407 For some time, Lincoln continued earlier plans to set up colonies for the newly freed slaves. He commented favorably on colonization in the Emancipation Proclamation, but all attempts at such a massive undertaking failed.[6]:408 A few days after Emancipation was announced, 13 Republican governors met at the War Governors' Conference; they supported the president's Proclamation, but suggested the removal of General George B. McClellan as commander of the Union Army.[82]:2:239–240
Enlisting former slaves in the military was official government policy after the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. By the spring of 1863, Lincoln was ready to recruit black troops in more than token numbers. In a letter to Andrew Johnson, the military governor of Tennessee, encouraging him to lead the way in raising black troops, Lincoln wrote, "The bare sight of 50,000 armed and drilled black soldiers on the banks of the Mississippi would end the rebellion at once".[6]:430–431 By the end of 1863, at Lincoln's direction, General Lorenzo Thomas had recruited 20 regiments of blacks from the Mississippi Valley.[6]:431 Frederick Douglass once observed of Lincoln: "In his company, I was never reminded of my humble origin, or of my unpopular color".[89]:259–260
Gettysburg Address (1863)
With the great Union victory at the Battle of Gettysburg in July 1863, and the defeat of the Copperheads in the Ohio election in the fall, Lincoln maintained a strong base of party support and was in a strong position to redefine the war effort, despite the New York City draft riots. The stage was set for his address at the Gettysburg battlefield cemetery on November 19, 1863.[6]:453–460 Defying Lincoln's prediction that "the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here", the Address became the most quoted speech in American history.[90]:222
In 272 words, and three minutes, Lincoln asserted the nation was born not in 1789, but in 1776, "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal". He defined the war as an effort dedicated to these principles of liberty and equality for all. The emancipation of slaves was now part of the national war effort. He declared that the deaths of so many brave soldiers would not be in vain, that slavery would end as a result of the losses, and the future of democracy in the world would be assured, that "government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth". Lincoln concluded that the Civil War had a profound objective: a new birth of freedom in the nation.[6]:460–466[91]:20, 27, 105, 146
General Grant
Meade's failure to capture Lee's army as it retreated from Gettysburg, and the continued passivity of the Army of the Potomac, persuaded Lincoln that a change in command was needed. General Ulysses S. Grant's victories at the Battle of Shiloh and in the Vicksburg campaign impressed Lincoln and made Grant a strong candidate to head the Union Army. Responding to criticism of Grant after Shiloh, Lincoln had said, "I can't spare this man. He fights."[17]:315 With Grant in command, Lincoln felt the Union Army could relentlessly pursue a series of coordinated offensives in multiple theaters, and have a top commander who agreed on the use of black troops.[63]:4:6–17
Nevertheless, Lincoln was concerned that Grant might be considering a candidacy for President in 1864, as McClellan was. Lincoln arranged for an intermediary to make inquiry into Grant's political intentions, and being assured that he had none, submitted to the Senate Grant's promotion to commander of the Union Army. He obtained Congress's consent to reinstate for Grant the rank of Lieutenant General, which no officer had held since George Washington.[6]:490–492
Grant waged his bloody Overland Campaign in 1864. This is often characterized as a war of attrition, given high Union losses at battles such as the Battle of the Wilderness and Cold Harbor. Even though they had the advantage of fighting on the defensive, the Confederate forces had "almost as high a percentage of casualties as the Union forces".[92]:113 The high casualty figures of the Union alarmed the North; Grant had lost a third of his army, and Lincoln asked what Grant's plans were, to which the general replied, "I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer."[6]:501
The Confederacy lacked reinforcements, so Lee's army shrank with every costly battle. Grant's army moved south, crossed the James River, forcing a siege and trench warfare outside Petersburg, Virginia. Lincoln then made an extended visit to Grant's headquarters at City Point, Virginia. This allowed the president to confer in person with Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman about the hostilities, as Sherman coincidentally managed a hasty visit to Grant from his position in North Carolina.[93] Lincoln and the Republican Party mobilized support for the draft throughout the North, and replaced the Union losses.[17]:422–424
Lincoln authorized Grant to target the Confederate infrastructure—such as plantations, railroads, and bridges—hoping to destroy the South's morale and weaken its economic ability to continue fighting. Grant's move to Petersburg resulted in the obstruction of three railroads between Richmond and the South. This strategy allowed Generals Sherman and Philip Sheridan to destroy plantations and towns in Virginia's Shenandoah Valley. The damage caused by Sherman's March to the Sea through Georgia in 1864 was limited to a 60-mile (97 km) swath, but neither Lincoln nor his commanders saw destruction as the main goal, but rather defeat of the Confederate armies. Mark E. Neely Jr. has argued that there was no effort to engage in "total war" against civilians which he believed did take place during World War II.[94]:434–458[vague]
Confederate general Jubal Early began a series of assaults in the North that threatened the Capital. During Early's raid on Washington, D.C. in 1864, Lincoln was watching the combat from an exposed position; Captain Oliver Wendell Holmes shouted at him, "Get down, you damn fool, before you get shot!"[17]:434 After repeated calls on Grant to defend Washington, Sheridan was appointed and the threat from Early was dispatched.[6]:516–518
As Grant continued to wear down Lee's forces, efforts to discuss peace began. Confederate Vice President Stephens led a group to meet with Lincoln, Seward, and others at Hampton Roads. Lincoln refused to allow any negotiation with the Confederacy as a coequal; his sole objective was an agreement to end the fighting and the meetings produced no results.[6]:565 On April 1, 1865, Grant successfully outflanked Lee's forces in the Battle of Five Forks and nearly encircled Petersburg, and the Confederate government evacuated Richmond. Days later, when that city fell, Lincoln visited the vanquished Confederate capital; as he walked through the city, white Southerners were stone-faced, but freedmen greeted him as a hero. On April 9, Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox and the war was effectively over.[6]:589
1864 re-election
While the war was still being waged, Lincoln faced reelection in 1864. Lincoln was a master politician, bringing together—and holding together—all the main factions of the Republican Party, and bringing in War Democrats such as Edwin M. Stanton and Andrew Johnson as well. Lincoln spent many hours a week talking to politicians from across the land and using his patronage powers—greatly expanded over peacetime—to hold the factions of his party together, build support for his own policies, and fend off efforts by Radicals to drop him from the 1864 ticket.[95]:53–69[96]:77–90 At its 1864 convention, the Republican Party selected Johnson, a War Democrat from the Southern state of Tennessee, as his running mate. To broaden his coalition to include War Democrats as well as Republicans, Lincoln ran under the label of the new Union Party.[6]:494–507
When Grant's 1864 spring campaigns turned into bloody stalemates and Union casualties mounted, the lack of military success wore heavily on the President's re-election prospects, and many Republicans across the country feared that Lincoln would be defeated. Sharing this fear, Lincoln wrote and signed a pledge that, if he should lose the election, he would still defeat the Confederacy before turning over the White House:[97]:80
This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterward.[40]:514
Lincoln did not show the pledge to his cabinet, but asked them to sign the sealed envelope.
While the Democratic platform followed the "Peace wing" of the party and called the war a "failure", their candidate, General George B. McClellan, supported the war and repudiated the platform. Lincoln provided Grant with more troops and mobilized his party to renew its support of Grant in the war effort. Sherman's capture of Atlanta in September and David Farragut's capture of Mobile ended defeatist jitters;[6]:531 the Democratic Party was deeply split, with some leaders and most soldiers openly for Lincoln. By contrast, the National Union Party was united and energized as Lincoln made emancipation the central issue, and state Republican parties stressed the perfidy of the Copperheads.[98]:307 On November 8, Lincoln was re-elected in a landslide, carrying all but three states, and receiving 78 percent of the Union soldiers' vote.[97]:80[99]:274–293
On March 4, 1865, Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address. In it, he deemed the high casualties on both sides to be God's will. Historian Mark Noll concludes it ranks "among the small handful of semi-sacred texts by which Americans conceive their place in the world".[100]:426 Lincoln said:
Fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's 250 years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said 3,000 years ago, so still it must be said, "the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether". With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.[101]
Reconstruction
Reconstruction began during the war, as Lincoln and his associates anticipated questions of how to reintegrate the conquered southern states, and how to determine the fates of Confederate leaders and freed slaves. Shortly after Lee's surrender, a general had asked Lincoln how the defeated Confederates should be treated, and Lincoln replied, "Let 'em up easy."[17]:509–512 In keeping with that sentiment, Lincoln led the moderates regarding Reconstruction policy, and was opposed by the Radical Republicans, under Rep. Thaddeus Stevens, Sen. Charles Sumner and Sen. Benjamin Wade, political allies of the president on other issues. Determined to find a course that would reunite the nation and not alienate the South, Lincoln urged that speedy elections under generous terms be held throughout the war. His Amnesty Proclamation of December 8, 1863, offered pardons to those who had not held a Confederate civil office, had not mistreated Union prisoners, and would sign an oath of allegiance.[6]:471–472
As Southern states were subdued, critical decisions had to be made as to their leadership while their administrations were re-formed. Of special importance were Tennessee and Arkansas, where Lincoln appointed Generals Andrew Johnson and Frederick Steele as military governors, respectively. In Louisiana, Lincoln ordered General Nathaniel P. Banks to promote a plan that would restore statehood when 10 percent of the voters agreed to it. Lincoln's Democratic opponents seized on these appointments to accuse him of using the military to ensure his and the Republicans' political aspirations. On the other hand, the Radicals denounced his policy as too lenient, and passed their own plan, the Wade-Davis Bill, in 1864. When Lincoln vetoed the bill, the Radicals retaliated by refusing to seat representatives elected from Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee.[6]:485–486
Lincoln's appointments were designed to keep both the moderate and Radical factions in harness. To fill Chief Justice Taney's seat on the Supreme Court, he named the choice of the Radicals, Salmon P. Chase, who Lincoln believed would uphold the emancipation and paper money policies.[63]:4:206
After implementing the Emancipation Proclamation, which did not apply to every state, Lincoln increased pressure on Congress to outlaw slavery throughout the entire nation with a constitutional amendment. Lincoln declared that such an amendment would "clinch the whole matter".[6]:561 By December 1863, a proposed constitutional amendment that would outlaw slavery was brought to Congress for passage. This first attempt at an amendment failed to pass, falling short of the required two-thirds majority on June 15, 1864, in the House of Representatives. Passage of the proposed amendment became part of the Republican/Unionist platform in the election of 1864. After a long debate in the House, a second attempt passed Congress on January 31, 1865, and was sent to the state legislatures for ratification.[6]:562–563[102] Upon ratification, it became the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution on December 6, 1865.[103]
As the war drew to a close, Lincoln's presidential Reconstruction for the South was in flux; having believed the federal government had limited responsibility to the millions of freedmen. He signed into law Senator Charles Sumner's Freedmen's Bureau bill that set up a temporary federal agency designed to meet the immediate material needs of former slaves. The law assigned land for a lease of three years with the ability to purchase title for the freedmen. Lincoln stated that his Louisiana plan did not apply to all states under Reconstruction. Shortly before his assassination, Lincoln announced he had a new plan for southern Reconstruction. Discussions with his cabinet revealed Lincoln planned short-term military control over southern states, until readmission under the control of southern Unionists.[55]:242–243
Historians agree that it is impossible to predict exactly what Lincoln would have done about Reconstruction if he had lived, but they make projections based on his known policy positions and political acumen. Lincoln biographers James G. Randall and Richard Current, according to David Lincove, argue that:[104]
It is likely that had he lived, Lincoln would have followed a policy similar to Johnson's, that he would have clashed with congressional Radicals, that he would have produced a better result for the freedmen than occurred, and that his political skills would have helped him avoid Johnson's mistakes.
Eric Foner argues that:[105]
Unlike Sumner and other Radicals, Lincoln did not see Reconstruction as an opportunity for a sweeping political and social revolution beyond emancipation. He had long made clear his opposition to the confiscation and redistribution of land. He believed, as most Republicans did in April 1865, that the voting requirements should be determined by the states. He assumed that political control in the South would pass to white Unionists, reluctant secessionists, and forward-looking former Confederates. But time and again during the war, Lincoln, after initial opposition, had come to embrace positions first advanced by abolitionists and Radical Republicans. ... Lincoln undoubtedly would have listened carefully to the outcry for further protection for the former slaves ... It is entirely plausible to imagine Lincoln and Congress agreeing on a Reconstruction policy that encompassed federal protection for basic civil rights plus limited black suffrage, along the lines Lincoln proposed just before his death.
Redefining the republic and republicanism
The successful reunification of the states had consequences for the name of the country. The term "the United States" has historically been used, sometimes in the plural ("these United States"), and other times in the singular, without any particular grammatical consistency. The Civil War was a significant force in the eventual dominance of the singular usage by the end of the 19th century.[106]
In recent years, historians such as Harry Jaffa, Herman Belz, John Diggins, Vernon Burton and Eric Foner have stressed Lincoln's redefinition of republican values. As early as the 1850s, a time when most political rhetoric focused on the sanctity of the Constitution, Lincoln redirected emphasis to the Declaration of Independence as the foundation of American political values—what he called the "sheet anchor" of republicanism.[53]:399 The Declaration's emphasis on freedom and equality for all, in contrast to the Constitution's tolerance of slavery, shifted the debate. As Diggins concludes regarding the highly influential Cooper Union speech of early 1860, "Lincoln presented Americans a theory of history that offers a profound contribution to the theory and destiny of republicanism itself."[107]:307 His position gained strength because he highlighted the moral basis of republicanism, rather than its legalisms.[32]:215 Nevertheless, in 1861, Lincoln justified the war in terms of legalisms (the Constitution was a contract, and for one party to get out of a contract all the other parties had to agree), and then in terms of the national duty to guarantee a republican form of government in every state.[53]:263 Burton (2008) argues that Lincoln's republicanism was taken up by the Freedmen as they were emancipated.[108]
In March 1861, in Lincoln's first inaugural address, he explored the nature of democracy. He denounced secession as anarchy, and explained that majority rule had to be balanced by constitutional restraints in the American system. He said "A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people."[109]:86
Other enactments
Lincoln adhered to the Whig theory of the presidency, which gave Congress primary responsibility for writing the laws while the Executive enforced them. Lincoln vetoed only four bills passed by Congress; the only important one was the Wade-Davis Bill with its harsh program of Reconstruction.[110]:137 He signed the Homestead Act in 1862, making millions of acres of government-held land in the West available for purchase at low cost. The Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Act, also signed in 1862, provided government grants for agricultural colleges in each state. The Pacific Railway Acts of 1862 and 1864 granted federal support for the construction of the United States' First Transcontinental Railroad, which was completed in 1869.[99]:116 The passage of the Homestead Act and the Pacific Railway Acts was made possible by the absence of Southern congressmen and senators who had opposed the measures in the 1850s.[54]:450–452
The Lincoln Cabinet[111] | ||
---|---|---|
Office | Name | Term |
President | Abraham Lincoln | 1861–1865 |
Vice President | Hannibal Hamlin | 1861–1865 |
Andrew Johnson | 1865 | |
Secretary of State | William H. Seward | 1861–1865 |
Secretary of Treasury | Salmon P. Chase | 1861–1864 |
Hugh McCulloch | 1865 | |
William P. Fessenden | 1864–1865 | |
Secretary of War | Simon Cameron | 1861–1862 |
Edwin M. Stanton | 1862–1865 | |
Attorney General | Edward Bates | 1861–1864 |
James Speed | 1864–1865 | |
Postmaster General | Montgomery Blair | 1861–1864 |
William Dennison Jr. | 1864–1865 | |
Secretary of the Navy | Gideon Welles | 1861–1865 |
Secretary of the Interior | Caleb Blood Smith | 1861–1862 |
John Palmer Usher | 1863–1865 |
Other important legislation involved two measures to raise revenues for the Federal government: tariffs (a policy with long precedent), and a new Federal income tax. In 1861, Lincoln signed the second and third Morrill Tariff, the first having become law under James Buchanan. Also in 1861, Lincoln signed the Revenue Act of 1861, creating the first U.S. income tax.[6]:424 This created a flat tax of 3 percent on incomes above $800 ($22,300 in current dollar terms), which was later changed by the Revenue Act of 1862 to a progressive rate structure.[99]:111
Lincoln also presided over the expansion of the federal government's economic influence in several other areas. The creation of the system of national banks by the National Banking Act provided a strong financial network in the country. It also established a national currency. In 1862, Congress created, with Lincoln's approval, the Department of Agriculture.[110]:424 In 1862, Lincoln sent a senior general, John Pope, to put down the "Sioux Uprising" in Minnesota. Presented with 303 execution warrants for convicted Santee Dakota who were accused of killing innocent farmers, Lincoln conducted his own personal review of each of these warrants, eventually approving 39 for execution (one was later reprieved).[112]:182 President Lincoln had planned to reform federal Indian policy.[113]:210–232
In the wake of Grant's casualties in his campaign against Lee, Lincoln had considered yet another executive call for a military draft, but it was never issued. In response to rumors of one, however, the editors of the New York World and the Journal of Commerce published a false draft proclamation which created an opportunity for the editors and others employed at the publications to corner the gold market. Lincoln's reaction was to send the strongest of messages to the media about such behavior; he ordered the military to seize the two papers. The seizure lasted for two days.[6]:501–502
Lincoln is largely responsible for the institution of the Thanksgiving holiday in the United States.[6]:471 Before Lincoln's presidency, Thanksgiving, while a regional holiday in New England since the 17th century, had been proclaimed by the federal government only sporadically and on irregular dates. The last such proclamation had been during James Madison's presidency 50 years before. In 1863, Lincoln declared the final Thursday in November of that year to be a day of Thanksgiving.[6]:471 In June 1864, Lincoln approved the Yosemite Grant enacted by Congress, which provided unprecedented federal protection for the area now known as Yosemite National Park.[114]
Judicial appointments
Supreme Court appointments
- Noah Haynes Swayne – 1862
- Samuel Freeman Miller – 1862
- David Davis – 1862
- Stephen Johnson Field – 1863
- Salmon Portland Chase – 1864 (Chief Justice)
Lincoln's declared philosophy on court nominations was that "we cannot ask a man what he will do, and if we should, and he should answer us, we should despise him for it. Therefore we must take a man whose opinions are known."[6]:471 Lincoln made five appointments to the United States Supreme Court. Noah Haynes Swayne, nominated January 21, 1862, and appointed January 24, 1862, was chosen as an anti-slavery lawyer who was committed to the Union. Samuel Freeman Miller, nominated and appointed on July 16, 1862, supported Lincoln in the 1860 election and was an avowed abolitionist. David Davis, Lincoln's campaign manager in 1860, nominated December 1, 1862, and appointed December 8, 1862, had also served as a judge in Lincoln's Illinois court circuit. Stephen Johnson Field, a previous California Supreme Court justice, was nominated March 6, 1863, and appointed March 10, 1863, and provided geographic balance, as well as political balance to the court as a Democrat. Finally, Lincoln's Treasury Secretary, Salmon P. Chase, was nominated as Chief Justice, and appointed the same day, on December 6, 1864. Lincoln believed Chase was an able jurist, would support Reconstruction legislation, and that his appointment united the Republican Party.[115]:245
Other judicial appointments
Lincoln appointed 32 federal judges, including four Associate Justices and one Chief Justice to the Supreme Court of the United States, and 27 judges to the United States district courts. Lincoln appointed no judges to the United States circuit courts during his time in office.[116][117]
States admitted to the Union
West Virginia, admitted to the Union June 20, 1863, contained the former north-westernmost counties of Virginia that seceded from Virginia after that commonwealth declared its secession from the Union. As a condition for its admission, West Virginia's constitution was required to provide for the gradual abolition of slavery. Nevada, which became the third State in the far-west of the continent, was admitted as a free state on October 31, 1864.[6]:300, 539
Assassination and funeral
Abraham Lincoln was assassinated by John Wilkes Booth on Good Friday, April 14, 1865, while attending a play at Ford's Theatre as the American Civil War was drawing to a close. The assassination occurred five days after the surrender of Robert E. Lee and the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia. Booth was a well-known actor and a Confederate spy from Maryland; though he never joined the Confederate army, he had contacts with the Confederate secret service.[6]:586–587 In 1864, Booth formulated a plan (very similar to one of Thomas N. Conrad previously authorized by the Confederacy)[6]:587 to kidnap Lincoln in exchange for the release of Confederate prisoners. After attending an April 11, 1865, speech in which Lincoln promoted voting rights for blacks, an incensed Booth changed his plans and became determined to assassinate the president.[118]:3–4 Learning that the President and Grant would be attending Ford's Theatre, Booth formulated a plan with co-conspirators to assassinate Lincoln and Grant at the theater, as well as Vice President Johnson and Secretary of State Seward at their homes. Without his main bodyguard, Ward Hill Lamon, Lincoln left to attend the play Our American Cousin on April 14. At the last minute, Grant decided to go to New Jersey to visit his children instead of attending the play.[6]:594–597
Lincoln's bodyguard, John Parker, left Ford's Theater during intermission to drink at the saloon next door. The now unguarded President sat in his state box in the balcony. Seizing the opportunity, Booth crept up from behind and at about 10:13 pm, aimed at the back of Lincoln's head and fired at point-blank range, mortally wounding the President. Major Henry Rathbone momentarily grappled with Booth, but Booth stabbed him and escaped.[6]:597[119]
After being on the run for 12 days, Booth was tracked down and found on a farm in Virginia, some 70 miles (110 km) south of Washington. After refusing to surrender to Union troops, Booth was killed by Sergeant Boston Corbett on April 26.[23]:153[6]:599
Doctor Charles Leale, an Army surgeon, found the President unresponsive, barely breathing and with no detectable pulse. Having determined that the President had been shot in the head, and not stabbed in the shoulder as originally thought, he made an attempt to clear the blood clot, after which the President began to breathe more naturally.[120] The dying President was taken across the street to Petersen House. After remaining in a coma for nine hours, Lincoln died at 7:22 am on April 15. According to eyewitnesses, his face was fixed in a smile when he expired.[121][122][123][124] Secretary of War Stanton saluted and said, "Now he belongs to the ages."[125]
Lincoln's flag-enfolded body was then escorted in the rain to the White House by bareheaded Union officers, while the city's church bells rang. President Johnson was sworn in at 10:00 am, less than 3 hours after Lincoln's death. The late President lay in state in the East Room, and then in the Capitol Rotunda from April 19 through April 21. For his final journey with his son Willie, both caskets were transported in the executive coach "United States" and for three weeks the Lincoln Special funeral train decorated in black bunting[126] bore Lincoln's remains on a slow circuitous waypoint journey from Washington D.C. to Springfield, Illinois, stopping at many cities across the North for large-scale memorials attended by hundreds of thousands, as well as many people who gathered in informal trackside tributes with bands, bonfires, and hymn singing[126]:31–58[127]:231–238 or silent reverence with hat in hand as the railway procession slowly passed by. Poet Walt Whitman composed When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloom'd to eulogize Lincoln, one of four poems he wrote about the assassinated president.[128] Historians have emphasized the widespread shock and sorrow, but also noted that some Lincoln haters cheered when they heard the news.[129](pp84, 86, 96–97) African-Americans were especially moved; they had lost 'their Moses'.[129]:164 In a larger sense, the outpouring of grief and anguish was in response to the deaths of so many men in the war that had just ended.[129]:197–199
Religious and philosophical beliefs
As a young man, Lincoln was a religious skeptic,[130]:84 or, in the words of a biographer, an iconoclast.[55]:4 Later in life, Lincoln's frequent use of religious imagery and language might have reflected his own personal beliefs or might have been a device to appeal to his audiences, who were mostly evangelical Protestants.[131]:27–55 He never joined a church, although he frequently attended with his wife.[132] However, he was deeply familiar with the Bible, and he both quoted and praised it.[6]:48–49, 514–515 He was private about his beliefs and respected the beliefs of others. Lincoln never made a clear profession of Christian beliefs. However, he did believe in an all-powerful God that shaped events and, by 1865, was expressing those beliefs in major speeches.[133]
In the 1840s, Lincoln subscribed to the Doctrine of Necessity, a belief that asserted the human mind was controlled by some higher power.[6]:48–49 In the 1850s, Lincoln believed in "providence" in a general way, and rarely used the language or imagery of the evangelicals; he regarded the republicanism of the Founding Fathers with an almost religious reverence.[134] When he suffered the death of his son Edward, Lincoln more frequently expressed a need to depend on God.[135]:227–253 The death of his son Willie in February 1862 may have caused Lincoln to look toward religion for answers and solace.[130]:251–254 After Willie's death, Lincoln considered why, from a divine standpoint, the severity of the war was necessary. He wrote at this time that God "could have either saved or destroyed the Union without a human contest. Yet the contest began. And having begun, He could give the final victory to either side any day. Yet the contest proceeds."[130]:254 On the day Lincoln was assassinated, he reportedly told his wife he desired to visit the Holy Land.[85]:434
Health
Several claims have been made that Lincoln's health was declining before the assassination. These are often based on photographs appearing to show weight loss and muscle wasting. One such claim is that he suffered from a rare genetic disorder, MEN2b,[136] which manifests with a medullary thyroid carcinoma, mucosal neuromas and a Marfanoid appearance. Others simply claim he had Marfan syndrome, based on his tall appearance with spindly fingers, and the association of possible aortic regurgitation, which can cause bobbing of the head (DeMusset's sign) – based on blurring of Lincoln's head in photographs, which back then had a long exposure time. Confirmation of this and other diseases could possibly be obtained via DNA analysis of a pillow case stained with Lincoln's blood, currently in possession of the Grand Army of the Republic Museum & Library in Philadelphia, but As of 2009[update], the museum has refused to provide a sample for testing.[136][needs update]
Historical reputation
In surveys of U.S. scholars ranking presidents conducted since the 1940s, Lincoln is consistently ranked in the top three, often as number one.[4][5] A 2004 study found that scholars in the fields of history and politics ranked Lincoln number one, while legal scholars placed him second after George Washington.[137]:264 In presidential ranking polls conducted in the United States since 1948, Lincoln has been rated at the top in the majority of polls. Generally, the top three presidents are rated as 1. Lincoln; 2. Washington; and 3. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, although Lincoln and Washington, and Washington and Roosevelt, are occasionally reversed.[138][139]
President Lincoln's assassination increased his status to the point of making him a national martyr. Lincoln was viewed by abolitionists as a champion for human liberty. Republicans linked Lincoln's name to their party. Many, though not all, in the South considered Lincoln as a man of outstanding ability.[140]:76, 79, 106, 110 Historians have said he was "a classical liberal" in the 19th century sense. Allen C. Guelzo states that Lincoln was a[141][3]
classical liberal democrat—an enemy of artificial hierarchy, a friend to trade and business as ennobling and enabling, and an American counterpart to Mill, Cobden, and Bright (whose portrait Lincoln hung in his White House office).
Lincoln became a favorite exemplar for liberal intellectuals across Europe and Latin America and even in Asia.[142]
Schwartz argues that Lincoln's American reputation grew slowly in the late 19th century until the Progressive Era (1900–1920s) when he emerged as one of the most venerated heroes in American history, with even white Southerners in agreement. The high point came in 1922 with the dedication of the Lincoln Memorial on the National Mall in Washington, D.C.[143]:109 In the New Deal era, liberals honored Lincoln not so much as the self-made man or the great war president, but as the advocate of the common man who they believed would have supported the welfare state. In the Cold War years, Lincoln's image shifted to emphasize the symbol of freedom who brought hope to those oppressed by Communist regimes.[144]:23, 91–98
By the 1970s Lincoln had become a hero to political conservatives[145] for his intense nationalism, support for business, his insistence on stopping the spread of human bondage, his acting in terms of Lockean and Burkean principles on behalf of both liberty and tradition, and his devotion to the principles of the Founding Fathers.[146]:514–518[147]:67–94[148]:43–45 As a Whig activist, Lincoln was a spokesman for business interests, favoring high tariffs, banks, internal improvements, and railroads in opposition to the agrarian Democrats.[33]:196, 198, 228, 301 William C. Harris found that Lincoln's "reverence for the Founding Fathers, the Constitution, the laws under it, and the preservation of the Republic and its institutions undergirded and strengthened his conservatism".[35]:2 James G. Randall emphasizes his tolerance and especially his moderation "in his preference for orderly progress, his distrust of dangerous agitation, and his reluctance toward ill digested schemes of reform". Randall concludes that, "he was conservative in his complete avoidance of that type of so-called 'radicalism' which involved abuse of the South, hatred for the slaveholder, thirst for vengeance, partisan plotting, and ungenerous demands that Southern institutions be transformed overnight by outsiders."[3]:175
By the late 1960s, some African American intellectuals, led by Lerone Bennett Jr., rejected Lincoln's role as the Great Emancipator.[149][150] Bennett won wide attention when he called Lincoln a white supremacist in 1968.[151]:35–42 He noted that Lincoln used ethnic slurs and told jokes that ridiculed blacks. Bennett argued that Lincoln opposed social equality, and proposed sending freed slaves to another country. Defenders, such as authors Dirck and Cashin, retorted that he was not as bad as most politicians of his day;[152]:31 and that he was a "moral visionary" who deftly advanced the abolitionist cause, as fast as politically possible.[153]:2–4 The emphasis shifted away from Lincoln the emancipator to an argument that blacks had freed themselves from slavery, or at least were responsible for pressuring the government on emancipation.[154]:61[155]:228 Historian Barry Schwartz wrote in 2009 that Lincoln's image suffered "erosion, fading prestige, benign ridicule" in the late 20th century.[144]:146 On the other hand, Donald opined in his 1996 biography that Lincoln was distinctly endowed with the personality trait of negative capability, defined by the poet John Keats and attributed to extraordinary leaders who were "content in the midst of uncertainties and doubts, and not compelled toward fact or reason".[6]:15 In the 21st century, President Barack Obama named Lincoln his favorite president and insisted on using Lincoln's Bible for his swearing in to office at both his inaugurations.[156][157][158]
Lincoln has often been portrayed by Hollywood, almost always in a flattering light.[159][160]
The Union nationalism as envisioned by Lincoln, "helped lead America to the nationalism of Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt."[77]:222
Memory and memorials
Lincoln's portrait appears on two denominations of United States currency, the penny and the $5 bill. His likeness also appears on many postage stamps and he has been memorialized in many town, city, and county names,[161]:194 including the capital of Nebraska.[162] While he is usually portrayed bearded, he first grew a beard in 1860 at the suggestion of 11-year-old Grace Bedell.
The most famous and most visited memorials are Lincoln's sculpture on Mount Rushmore;[163] Lincoln Memorial, Ford's Theatre, and Petersen House (where he died) in Washington, D.C.; and the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Illinois, not far from Lincoln's home, as well as his tomb.[164][165]
Barry Schwartz, a sociologist who has examined America's cultural memory, argues that in the 1930s and 1940s, the memory of Abraham Lincoln was practically sacred and provided the nation with "a moral symbol inspiring and guiding American life". During the Great Depression, he argues, Lincoln served "as a means for seeing the world's disappointments, for making its sufferings not so much explicable as meaningful". Franklin D. Roosevelt, preparing America for war, used the words of the Civil War president to clarify the threat posed by Germany and Japan. Americans asked, "What would Lincoln do?"[144]:xi, 9, 24 However, Schwartz also finds that since World War II, Lincoln's symbolic power has lost relevance, and this "fading hero is symptomatic of fading confidence in national greatness". He suggested that postmodernism and multiculturalism have diluted greatness as a concept.[144]:xi, 9
The United States Navy Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN-72) is named after Lincoln, the second Navy ship to bear his name.
See also
- This Abraham Lincoln includes a list of references, related reading or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. (February 2019) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
- Outline of Abraham Lincoln
- Sexuality of Abraham Lincoln
- Dakota War of 1862
- Grace Bedell
- Lincoln Tower
- List of photographs of Abraham Lincoln
- List of civil rights leaders
references
Footnotes
Citations
- ^ William A. Pencak (2009). Encyclopedia of the Veteran in America. ABC-CLIO. p. 222. ISBN 978-0-313-08759-2. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ Finkelman, Paul; Gottlieb, Stephen E. Toward a Usable Past: Liberty Under State Constitutions. U of Georgia Press. p. 388.
- ^ a b c Randall, James G. (1947). Lincoln, the Liberal Statesman. Dodd, Mead. ASIN B0051VUQXO. OCLC 748479.
- ^ a b Lindgren, James (November 16, 2000). "Ranking Our Presidents for dealing with the American Civil War, and slavery" (PDF). International World History Project. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 31, 2012.
- ^ a b "Americans Say Reagan Is the Greatest President" Archived March 14, 2012, at the Wayback Machine. Gallup Inc. February 28, 2011.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc bd be bf bg bh bi bj bk bl bm bn bo bp bq br bs bt bu bv bw bx by bz ca cb cc cd ce cf cg ch ci cj ck cl cm cn co cp cq cr cs ct cu cv cw cx cy cz da db dc dd de df Donald, David Herbert (1996) [1995]. Lincoln. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-82535-9.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Warren, Louis A. (1991). Lincoln's Youth: Indiana Years, Seven to Twenty-One, 1816–1830. Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society. ISBN 978-0-87195-063-5.
- ^ Thomas, born January 1778, would have been 8 at the attack, May 1786. Older sources (e.g. Herndon's Informants use six.
- ^ Wilson, Douglas Lawson; Davis, Rodney O.; Wilson, Terry; Herndon, William Henry; Weik, Jesse William (1998). Herndon's Informants: Letters, Interviews, and Statements about Abraham Lincoln. University of Illinois Press. pp. 35–36. ISBN 978-0-252-02328-6. Archived from the original on January 13, 2018.
- ^ Burlingame, Michael (2008). Abraham Lincoln: A Life. I. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-8993-6.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai White Jr., Ronald C. (2009). A. Lincoln: A Biography. Random House, Inc. ISBN 978-1-4000-6499-1.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Bartelt, William E. (2008). There I Grew Up: Remembering Abraham Lincoln's Indiana Youth. Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-87195-263-9.
- ^ a b c d e f Sandburg, Carl (1926). Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years. Harcourt, Brace & Company. OCLC 6579822.
- ^ Miller, William Lee (2002). Lincoln's Virtues: An Ethical Biography (Vintage Books ed.). New York: Random House/Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-375-40158-9.
- ^ Madison, James H. (2014). Hoosiers: A New History of Indiana. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press and Indiana Historical Society Press. ISBN 978-0-253-01308-8.
- ^ a b Oates, Stephen B. (1994). With Malice Toward None: a Life of Abraham Lincoln. HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-092471-3.
- ^ a b c d e f g Thomas, Benjamin P. (2008). Abraham Lincoln: A Biography. Southern Illinois University. ISBN 978-0-8093-2887-1.
- ^ Gannett, Lewis (Winter 2005). ""Overwhelming Evidence" of a Lincoln-Ann Rutledge Romance?: Reexamining Rutledge Family Reminiscences". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. Springfield, IL: The Abraham Lincoln Association. pp. 28–41. Archived from the original on April 3, 2017.
- ^ Lamb, Brian; Swain, Susan, eds. (2008). Abraham Lincoln: Great American Historians on Our Sixteenth President. PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-676-1.
- ^ a b Baker, Jean H. (1989). Mary Todd Lincoln: A Biography. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-30586-9.
- ^ Jason Emerson (2012). Giant in the Shadows: The Life of Robert T. Lincoln. SIU Press. p. 420. ISBN 978-0-8093-3055-3. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ Shenk, Joshua Wolf (October 2005). "Lincoln's Great Depression". The Atlantic. The Atlantic Monthly Group. Archived from the original on October 20, 2011. Retrieved October 8, 2009.
- ^ a b Steers, Edward (2010). The Lincoln Assassination Encyclopedia. Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-06-178775-1.
- ^ Foner, Eric (1995) [1970]. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-509497-8.
- ^ Olver, Lynne. "The Food Timeline—Presidents food favorites". foodtimeline.org. Archived from the original on February 4, 2016. Retrieved February 12, 2016.
- ^ Kenneth J. Winkle (2001). The Young Eagle: The Rise of Abraham Lincoln. Taylor. pp. 72–79. ISBN 978-1-4617-3436-9. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ Abraham Lincoln (1832) "The Improvement of Sangamon River" in Marion Mills Miller (ed.) Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 3 – via Wikisource.
- ^ a b Winkle, Kenneth J. (2001). The Young Eagle: The Rise of Abraham Lincoln. Taylor Trade Publications. ISBN 978-0-87833-255-7.
- ^ a b Sandburg, Carl (2002). Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years and the War Years. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN 978-0-15-602752-6.
- ^ a b Simon, Paul (1990). Lincoln's Preparation for Greatness: The Illinois Legislative Years. University of Illinois. ISBN 978-0-252-00203-8.
- ^ Weik, Jesse William. "Abraham Lincoln and Internal Improvements". Abraham Lincoln's Classroom. Archived from the original on February 12, 2015. Retrieved February 12, 2015.
- ^ a b c d Foner, Eric (2010). The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery. W.W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-06618-0.
- ^ a b c Boritt, Gabor (1994) [1978]. Lincoln and the Economics of the American Dream. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-06445-6.
- ^ a b c d e f Oates, Stephen B. (1974). "Abraham Lincoln 1861–1865". In C. Vann Woodward. Responses of the Presidents to Charges of Misconduct. New York City: Dell Publishing Co., Inc. pp. 111–123. ISBN 978-0-440-05923-3.
- ^ a b c d e Harris, William C. (2007). Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1520-9.
- ^ "US Congressman Lincoln – Abraham Lincoln Historical Society". Abraham-lincoln-history.org. Retrieved 2019-02-02.
- ^ Heidler, David Stephen (2006). The Mexican War. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-32792-6.
- ^ a b c Holzer, Harold (2004). Lincoln at Cooper Union: The Speech That Made Abraham Lincoln President. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-9964-0.
- ^ Abraham Lincoln, Spot Resolutions in the United States House of Representatives, December 22, 1847, National Archives Building, RG 233, Entry 362: Thirtieth Congress, 1847–1849, Records of Legislative Proceedings, Bills and Resolutions Originating in the House, 1847–1849
- ^ a b c d e f Basler, Roy P., ed. (1953). The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln. 5. Rutgers University Press.
- ^ Gerleman, David J. (Winter 2017). "Representative Lincoln at Work: Reconstructing a Legislative Career from Original Archival Documents". The Capitol Dome. 54 (2): 33–46.
- ^ a b McGovern, George S. (2008). Abraham Lincoln. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-8050-8345-3.
- ^ "Lincoln's Spot Resolutions". National Archives. Archived from the original on October 20, 2011. Retrieved March 12, 2009.
- ^ Arnold, Isaac Newton (1885). The Life of Abraham Lincoln. 2. Chicago, IL: Janses, McClurg, & Company. p. 81. Archived from the original on April 3, 2017.
- ^ Bridging the Mississippi Archived September 23, 2008, at the Wayback Machine. Archives.gov (October 19, 2011). Retrieved August 17, 2013.
- ^ Brian McGinty, Lincoln's Greatest Case: The River, the Bridge, and the Making of America (2015)
- ^ "Abraham Lincoln's Patent Model: Improvement for Buoying Vessels Over Shoals". Smithsonian Institution. Archived from the original on August 25, 2017. Retrieved April 28, 2017.
- ^ Dirck, Brian R. (2007). Lincoln Emancipated: The President and the Politics of Race. Northern Illinois University Press. ISBN 978-0-87580-359-3.
- ^ Handy, James S. (1917). Book Review: Abraham Lincoln, the Lawyer-Statesman. Northwestern University Law Publication Association.
- ^ Philosophical Library (2010). The Wisdom of Abraham Lincoln. Open Road Media. p. 1828. ISBN 978-1-4532-0281-4.
- ^ Harrison, J. Houston (1935). Settlers by the Long Grey Trail. J.K. Reubush. OCLC 3512772.
- ^ Zarefsky, David S. (1993). Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-97876-5.
- ^ a b c d Jaffa, Harry V. (2000). A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8476-9952-0.
- ^ a b McPherson, James M. (1993). Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516895-2.
- ^ a b c d e f g Carwardine, Richard (2003). Lincoln. Pearson Education Ltd. ISBN 978-0-582-03279-8.
- ^ Lincoln, Abraham (December 20, 1859). "Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested" (Letter). Letter to Jesse W. Fell. Archived from the original on November 7, 2017. Retrieved November 6, 2017.
- ^ Luthin, Reinhard H. (July 1994). "Abraham Lincoln and the Tariff". American Historical Review. 49 (4): 609–629. doi:10.2307/1850218. JSTOR 1850218.
- ^ Hofstadter, Richard (October 1938). "The Tariff Issue on the Eve of the Civil War". American Historical Review. 44 (1): 50–55. doi:10.2307/1840850. JSTOR 1840850.
- ^ J. Michael Martinez (2011). Coming for to Carry Me Home: Race in America from Abolitionism to Jim Crow. p. 59. ISBN 978-1-4422-1500-9. Archived from the original on January 13, 2018.
- ^ Chadwick, Bruce (2009). Lincoln for President: An Unlikely Candidate, An Audacious Strategy, and the Victory No One Saw Coming. Naperville, Illinois: Sourcebooks. pp. 147–149. ISBN 978-1-4022-4756-9. Archived from the original on April 2, 2017. Retrieved April 1, 2017.
- ^ Murrin, John. Liberty, Equality, Power: A History of the American People. Belmont: Clark Baxter, 2006.
- ^ Mansch, Larry D. (2005). Abraham Lincoln, President-Elect: The Four Critical Months from Election to Inauguration. McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-2026-1.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Nevins, Allan (1947–71). Ordeal of the Union; 8 vol. Scribner's. ISBN 978-0-684-10416-4.
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- ^ a b Vile, John R. (2003). Encyclopedia of Constitutional Amendments, Proposed Amendments, and Amending Issues, 1789-2002. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 9781851094288.
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- ^ March 4, 1865, Lincoln's second inaugural address.
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- ^ Russell McClintock (2008). Lincoln and the Decision for War: The Northern Response to Secession. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 254–274. ISBN 978-0-8078-3188-5. Provides details of support across the North.
- ^ Heidler, David S.; Heidler, Jeanne T., eds. (2000). Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History. W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. ISBN 978-0-393-04758-5.
- ^ William C. Harris, Lincoln and the Border States: Preserving the Union (University Press of Kansas, 2011) pp. 59–71
- ^ Neely, Mark E. (1992). The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties. Oxford University Press. pp. 3–31.
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was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ a b c Boritt, Gabor S.; Pinsker, Matthew (2002). "Abraham Lincoln". In Graff, Henry. The Presidents: A reference History (7th ed.). pp. 209–223. ISBN 978-0-684-80551-1.
- ^ Randall, James Garfield (1946). Lincoln the President: Springfield to Gettysburg. p. 50. ISBN 978-0-306-80754-1. Archived from the original on November 22, 2016. Retrieved May 16, 2016. quoted in Kevin Peraino, Lincoln in the World: The Making of a Statesman and the Dawn of American Power (2013) pp 160–61.
- ^ Benjamin P. Thomas and Harold M. Hyman, Stanton, the Life and Times of Lincoln's Secretary of War (1962) pp. 71, 87, 229–30, 385 (quote)
- ^ Ambrose, Stephen E. (1962). Halleck: Lincoln's Chief of Staff. Louisiana State University Press. OCLC 1178496.
- ^ "Henry W. Halleck". American Battlefield Trust. June 15, 2011.
- ^ a b Nevins, Allan (1960–1971). The War for the Union; 4 vol 1861–1865. Scribner's. ISBN 978-1-56852-297-5.; also published as vol 5–8 of Ordeal of the Union
- ^ a b c Goodwin, Doris Kearns (2005). Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-82490-1.
- ^ Mackubin, Thomas Owens (March 25, 2004). "The Liberator". National Review. Archived from the original on October 20, 2011. Retrieved December 12, 2008.
- ^ a b Guelzo, Allen C. (1999). Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8028-3872-8.
- ^ McPherson, James M. (1992). Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507606-6.
- ^ Guelzo, Allen C. (2004). Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: The End of Slavery in America. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-2182-5.
- ^ Louis P. Masur, Lincoln's Hundred Days: The Emancipation Proclamation and the War for the Union (Harvard University Press; 2012)
- ^ Douglass, Frederick (2008). The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass. Cosimo Classics. ISBN 978-1-60520-399-7.
- ^ Bulla, David W.; Gregory A. Borchard (2010). Journalism in the Civil War Era. Peter Lang Publishing Inc. ISBN 978-1-4331-0722-1.
- ^ Wills, Garry (1993). Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words That Remade America. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-86742-3.
- ^ McPherson, James M. (2009). Abraham Lincoln. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-537452-0.
- ^ "The Peacemakers". The White House Historical Association. Archived from the original on October 20, 2011. Retrieved May 3, 2009.
- ^ Neely Jr., Mark E. (December 2004). "Was the Civil War a Total War?". Civil War History. 50 (4): 434–458. doi:10.1353/cwh.2004.0073.
- ^ Fish, Carl Russell (October 1902). "Lincoln and the Patronage". American Historical Review. 8 (1): 53–69. doi:10.2307/1832574. JSTOR 1832574.
- ^ Tegeder, Vincent G. (June 1948). "Lincoln and the Territorial Patronage: The Ascendancy of the Radicals in the West". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 35 (1): 77–90. doi:10.2307/1895140. JSTOR 1895140.
- ^ a b Grimsley, Mark (2001). The Collapse of the Confederacy. University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-2170-3.
- ^ Randall, James G.; Current, Richard Nelson (1955). Last Full Measure. Lincoln the President. IV. Dodd, Mead. OCLC 5852442.
- ^ a b c Paludan, Phillip Shaw (1994). The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0671-9.
- ^ Noll, Mark (2000). America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-515111-4.
- ^ Lincoln, Abraham Abraham Lincoln: Selected Speeches and Writings (Library of America edition, 2009) p 450
- ^ "House passes the 13th Amendment – History.com This Day in History – 1/31/1865". History.com. Archived from the original on November 10, 2012. Retrieved November 19, 2012.
- ^ "Primary Documents in American History: 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution". Library of Congress. Archived from the original on October 20, 2011. Retrieved October 20, 2011.
- ^ Lincove, David A. (2000). Reconstruction in the United States: An Annotated Bibliography. Greenwood. p. 80. ISBN 978-0-313-29199-9. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ Foner, Eric (2010). The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery. W. W. Norton. pp. 334–36. ISBN 978-0-393-34066-2. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ "Presidential Proclamation-Civil War Sesquicentennial". The White House. April 12, 2011. Archived from the original on October 20, 2011. Retrieved April 26, 2011.
a new meaning was conferred on our country's name ...
- ^ Diggins, John P. (1986). The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-Interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-14877-9.
- ^ Orville Vernon Burton, The Age of Lincoln (2008) p 243
- ^ Belz, Herman (1998). Abraham Lincoln, Constitutionalism, and Equal Rights in the Civil War Era. Fordham University Press. ISBN 978-0-8232-1769-4.
- ^ a b Donald, David Herbert (2001). Lincoln Reconsidered. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-375-72532-6.
- ^ Summers, Robert. "Abraham Lincoln". Internet Public Library 2 (IPL2). U. Michigan and Drexel U. Archived from the original on October 22, 2011. Retrieved December 9, 2012.
- ^ Cox, Hank H. (2005). Lincoln and the Sioux Uprising of 1862. Cumberland House Publisher. ISBN 978-1-58182-457-5.
- ^ Nichols, David A. (2010). Richard W. Etulain, ed. Lincoln Looks West: From the Mississippi to the Pacific. Southern Illinois University. ISBN 978-0-8093-2961-8.
- ^ Schaffer, Jeffrey P. (1999). Yosemite National Park: A Natural History Guide to Yosemite and Its Trails. Berkeley: Wilderness Press. p. 48. ISBN 978-0-89997-244-2.
- ^ Blue, Frederick J. (1987). Salmon P. Chase: a life in politics. The Kent State University Press. ISBN 978-0-87338-340-0.
- ^ "Biographical Directory of Federal Judges". Federal Judicial Center. Archived from the original on July 30, 2016. Retrieved August 11, 2016.
- ^ "Federal judges nominated by Abraham Lincoln". BallotPedia. Archived from the original on September 9, 2015. Retrieved August 11, 2016.
- ^ Harrison, Lowell Hayes (2000). Lincoln of Kentucky. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-2156-7.
- ^ Martin, Paul (April 8, 2010). "Lincoln's Missing Bodyguard". Smithsonian Magazine. Archived from the original on October 20, 2011. Retrieved October 15, 2010.
- ^ "Report of first doctor to reach shot Lincoln found". Archived from the original on June 6, 2012. Retrieved June 6, 2012.
- ^ Fox, Richard (2015). Lincoln's Body: A Cultural History. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-24724-4.
- ^ Abel, E. Lawrence (2015). A Finger in Lincoln's Brain: What Modern Science Reveals about Lincoln, His Assassination, and Its Aftermath. ABC-CLIO. Chapter 14.
- ^ "OUR GREAT LOSS; The Assassination of President Lincoln". The New York Times. 1865-04-17. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2016-04-12.
- ^ Hay, John (1915). The Life and Letters of John Hay Volume 1. Houghton Mifflin Company. Quote's original source is Hay's diary which is quoted in "Abraham Lincoln: A History", Volume 10, Page 292 by John G. Nicolay and John Hay
- ^ Donald 1997, p. 598–599, 686 Witnesses have provided other versions of the quote, i.e. "He now belongs to the ages." and "He is a man for the ages."
- ^ a b Trostel, Scott D. (2002). The Lincoln Funeral Train: The Final Journey and National Funeral for Abraham Lincoln. Cam-Tech Publishing. ISBN 978-0-925436-21-4. Archived from the original on July 12, 2013.
- ^ Goodrich, Thomas (2005). The Darkest Dawn: Lincoln, Booth, and the Great American Tragedy. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34567-7.
- ^ Peck, Garrett (2015). Walt Whitman in Washington, D.C.: The Civil War and America's Great Poet. Charleston, SC: The History Press. pp. 118–23. ISBN 978-1-62619-973-6.
- ^ a b c Martha Hodes (2015). Mourning Lincoln. Yale UP. ISBN 978-0-300-21356-0. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ a b c Wilson, Douglas L. (1999). Honor's Voice: The Transformation of Abraham Lincoln. Random House Digital, Inc. ISBN 978-0-307-76581-9. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ Carwardine, Richard J. (Winter 1997). "Lincoln, Evangelical Religion, and American Political Culture in the Era of the Civil War". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. 18 (1): 27–55. hdl:2027/spo.2629860.0018.104.
- ^ On claims that Lincoln was baptized by an associate of Alexander Campbell, see Martin, Jim (1996). "The secret baptism of Abraham Lincoln". Restoration Quarterly. 38 (2). Archived from the original on October 19, 2012. Retrieved May 27, 2012.
- ^ Mark A. Noll (1992). A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada. Wm. B. Eerdmans. pp. 321–22. ISBN 978-0-8028-0651-2. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
- ^ Grant R. Brodrecht, "Our country": Northern evangelicals and the Union during the Civil War and Reconstruction (2008) p. 40
- ^ Parrillo, Nicholas (September 2000). "Lincoln's Calvinist Transformation: Emancipation and War". Civil War History. 46 (3): 227–253. doi:10.1353/cwh.2000.0073.
- ^ a b Verghese, Abraham (May 20, 2009). "Was Lincoln Dying Before He Was Shot?". The Atlantic. Palo Alto, California: Emerson Collective. Archived from the original on April 13, 2014. Retrieved October 8, 2014.
- ^ Taranto, James; Leonard Leo (2004). Presidential Leadership: Rating the Best and the Worst in the White House. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-5433-5.
- ^ Densen, John V., ed. (2001). Reassessing The Presidency, The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom. Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig von Mises Institute. pp. 1–32. ISBN 978-0945466291.
- ^ Ridings, William H.; McIver, Stuart B. (2000). Rating The presidents, A Ranking of U.S. Leaders, From the Great and Honorable to the Dishonest and Incompetent. New York City: Citadel Press. ISBN 978-0806519692.
- ^ Chesebrough, David B. (1994). No Sorrow Like Our Sorrow. Kent State University Press. ISBN 978-0-87338-491-9.
- ^ Fornieri, Joseph R.; Gabbard, Sara Vaughn (2008). Lincoln's America: 1809 – 1865. Carbondale, Illinois: SIU Press. p. 19. ISBN 978-0809387137.
- ^ Carwardine, Richard; Sexton, Jay, eds. (2011). The Global Lincoln. Oxford, England: Oxford UP. pp. 7, 9–10, 54. ISBN 9780195379112.
- ^ Schwartz, Barry (2000). Abraham Lincoln and the Forge of National Memory. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-74197-0.
- ^ a b c d Schwartz, Barry (2009). Abraham Lincoln in the Post-Heroic Era: History and Memory in Late Twentieth-Century America. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-74188-8.
- ^ Havers 2009, p. 96 Apart from neo-Confederates such as Mel Bradford who denounced his treatment of the white South.
- ^ Belz, Herman (2006). "Lincoln, Abraham". In Frohnen, Bruce; Beer, Jeremy; Nelson, Jeffrey O. American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia. ISI Books. ISBN 978-1-932236-43-9.
- ^ Graebner, Norman (1959). "Abraham Lincoln: Conservative Statesman". The Enduring Lincoln: Lincoln Sesquicentennial Lectures at the University of Illinois. University of Illinois Press. OCLC 428674.
- ^ Smith, Robert C. (2010). Conservatism and Racism, and Why in America They Are the Same. State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-1-4384-3233-5.
- ^ Zilversmit, Arthur (1980). "Lincoln and the Problem of Race: A Decade of Interpretations". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. Springfield, Illinois: Abraham Lincoln Association. 2 (1): 22–24.
- ^ Barr, John M. (Winter 2014). "Holding Up a Flawed Mirror to the American Soul: Abraham Lincoln in the Writings of Lerone Bennett Jr". Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. Springfield, Illinois: Abraham Lincoln Association. 35 (1): 43–65.
- ^ Bennett, Lerone, Jr. (February 1968). "Was Abe Lincoln a White Supremacist?". Ebony. Vol. 23 no. 4. ISSN 0012-9011.
- ^ Dirck, Brian (2008). Lincoln the Lawyer. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-07614-5.
- ^ Striner, Richard (2006). Father Abraham: Lincoln's Relentless Struggle to End Slavery. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-518306-1.
- ^ Cashin, Joan E. (2002). The War Was You and Me: Civilians in The American Civil War. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-09173-0.
- ^ Kelley, Robin D. G.; Lewis, Earl (2005). To Make Our World Anew: Volume I: A History of African Americans to 1880. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-804006-4.
- ^ Hirschkorn, Phil (January 17, 2009). "The Obama-Lincoln Parallel: A Closer Look". CBS News. New York City: CBS Corporation. Archived from the original on August 22, 2016. Retrieved January 26, 2017.
- ^ Jackson, David (January 10, 2013). "Obama to be sworn in with Lincoln, King Bibles". USA Today. Mclean, Virginia: Gannett Company. Archived from the original on March 24, 2015. Retrieved March 2, 2016.
- ^ Hornick, Ed (January 18, 2009). "For Obama, Lincoln was model president". CNN. Atlanta, Georgia: Turner Broadcasting Systems. Retrieved August 5, 2018.
- ^ Spielberg, Steven; Kushner, Tony; Kearns Goodwin, Doris (2012). "Mr. Lincoln Goes to Hollywood". Smithsonian. Vol. 43 no. 7. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution. pp. 46–53.
- ^ Melvyn Stokes, "Abraham Lincoln and the Movies", American Nineteenth Century History 12 (June 2011), 203–31.
- ^ Dennis, Matthew (2002). Red, White, and Blue Letter Days: an American Calendar. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-7268-8.
- ^ "Nebraska.gov". nebraska.gov. Archived from the original on March 16, 2015. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
- ^ "Mount Rushmore National Memorial". U.S. National Park Service. Archived from the original on October 23, 2011. Retrieved November 13, 2010.
- ^ "The Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum". Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum. Archived from the original on October 25, 2011. Retrieved September 23, 2009.
- ^ "About Ford's". Ford's Theatre. Archived from the original on October 25, 2011. Retrieved September 23, 2009.
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Historiography
- Barr, John M. "Holding Up a Flawed Mirror to the American Soul: Abraham Lincoln in the Writings of Lerone Bennett Jr.," Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association 35 (Winter 2014), 43–65.
- Barr, John M. Loathing Lincoln: An American Tradition from the Civil War to the Present (LSU Press, 2014).
- Burkhimer, Michael (2003). One Hundred Essential Lincoln Books. Cumberland House. ISBN 978-1-58182-369-1.
- Holzer, Harold and Craig L. Symonds, eds. Exploring Lincoln: Great Historians Reappraise Our Greatest President (2015), essays by 16 scholars
- Manning, Chandra, "The Shifting Terrain of Attitudes toward Abraham Lincoln and Emancipation", Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, 34 (Winter 2013), 18–39.
- Smith, Adam I.P. "The 'Cult' of Abraham Lincoln and the Strange Survival of Liberal England in the Era of the World Wars", Twentieth Century British History, (December 2010) 21#4 pp. 486–509
- Spielberg, Steven; Goodwin, Doris Kearns; Kushner, Tony. "Mr. Lincoln Goes to Hollywood", Smithsonian (2012) 43#7 pp. 46–53.
Additional references
- Adams, Charles F. (April 1912). "The Trent Affair". The American Historical Review. 17 (3): 540–562. doi:10.2307/1834388. JSTOR 1834388.
- Boritt, Gabor S. (1997). Why the Civil War Came. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-511376-1. -->
- Cox, LaWanda (1981). Lincoln and Black Freedom: A Study in Presidential Leadership. University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-87249-400-8.
- Cummings, William W.; James B. Hatcher (1982). Scott Specialized Catalogue of United States Stamps. Scott Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0-89487-042-2.
- Foner, Philip S. (1944). Abraham Lincoln: Selections from His Writings. International Publishers.
- Green, Michael S. Lincoln and the Election of 1860 (2011), 152pp excerpt and text search
- Guelzo, Allen C. (2009). Lincoln: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-536780-4. -->
- Herndon, William Henry; Weik, Jesse William; White, Horace (1920). Abraham Lincoln: the true story of a great life, Vol I. New York; London: D. Appleton and Co.
- Holzer, Harold (2008). Lincoln President-Elect: Abraham Lincoln and the Great Secession Winter 1860–1861. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-8947-4.
- Luthin, Reinhard H. (1944). The First Lincoln Campaign. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-8446-1292-8.
- McKirdy, Charles Robert (2011). Lincoln Apostate: The Matson Slave Case. Univ. Press of Mississippi. ISBN 978-1-60473-987-9.
- Reinhart, Mark S. (2008). Abraham Lincoln on Screen. McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-3536-4.
- McPherson, James M. (2008). Tried by War: Abraham Lincoln as Commander in Chief. Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1-59420-191-2.
- Miller, Richard Lawrence (2011). Lincoln and His World: The Rise to National Prominence, 1843–1853. McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-5928-5., vol 3. of detailed biography
- Neely, Mark E (1984). The Abraham Lincoln Encyclopedia. Da Capo Press. ISBN 978-0-306-80209-6.
- Neely, Mark E (1994). The Last Best Hope of Earth: Abraham Lincoln and the Promise of America. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-51125-5.
- Peraino, Kevin. Lincoln in the World: The Making of a Statesman and the Dawn of American Power (2013).
- Prokopowicz, Gerald J. (2008). Did Lincoln Own Slaves?. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-27929-3.
- Scott, Kenneth (September 1948). "Press Opposition to Lincoln in New Hampshire". The New England Quarterly. 21 (3): 326–341. doi:10.2307/361094. JSTOR 361094.
- Tagg, Larry (2009). The Unpopular Mr. Lincoln:The Story of America's Most Reviled President. Savas Beatie. ISBN 978-1-932714-61-6.
- Randall, James G. (1945–1955). Lincoln the President (4 volumes). Dodd, Mead. OCLC 4183070.
- Abraham Lincoln and the battles of the Civil War. New York, The Century Co. 1887.
External links
Official
Organizations
Media coverage
Other
- United States Congress. "Abraham Lincoln (id: L000313)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
- Abraham Lincoln: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
- "Life Portrait of Abraham Lincoln", from C-SPAN's American presidents: Life Portraits, June 28, 1999
- "Writings of Abraham Lincoln" from C-SPAN's American Writers: A Journey Through History
- Abraham Lincoln: Original Letters and Manuscripts – Shapell Manuscript Foundation
- Lincoln/Net: Abraham Lincoln Historical Digitization Project – Northern Illinois University Libraries
- Teaching Abraham Lincoln – National Endowment for the Humanities
- Works by or about Abraham Lincoln at Internet Archive
- Works by Abraham Lincoln at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
- In Popular Song:Our Noble Chief Has Passed Away by Cooper/Thomas
- Abraham Lincoln Recollections and Newspaper Articles Collection, McLean County Museum of History
- Digitized items in the Alfred Whital Stern Collection of Lincolniana in the Rare Book and Special Collections Division in the Library of Congress
{{
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- 19th-century Presidents of the United States
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